**Chapter 837: World People's Liberation Army (5)**

"Sigh..." Cheng Ruofan let out a sigh. "We cannot recreate the scenes of 'trampling the bones of the nobility' in the Indian region. We can only provide as much help as possible to the Indian revolutionaries and hope they can achieve a more thorough revolution as soon as possible."

The attending comrades expressed their agreement. With the direction pointed out by Li Runshi, everyone could see a part of the relationship between China and the Indian region more clearly, and their romanticized revolutionary imagination of India returned to reality.

Looking at India from a realist perspective, with its population of nearly 400 million, it could still provide a massive number of troops. Cheng Ruofan proposed his own view: "Cooperate with the Indian revolutionary comrades to incorporate the personnel and units of the old Indian upper-class forces, who are still within the revolutionary regimes, into the World People's Liberation Army. What do you think, comrades?"

Although Cheng Ruofan had an idealistic personality, it didn't mean he was a simple child when it came to formulating and executing plans. Especially after understanding certain matters from fundamental principles, his response methods were often even more cold and decisive.

The attendees understood Cheng's logic. It's not that there were no revolutionaries among the youths of the old upper classes of various nations; the officers who followed He Rui to the Northeast in 1915 were all from old upper-class backgrounds. This group, including Cheng Ruofan himself, showed no mercy when it came to burying the old order.

But being from the old upper class doesn't mean identifying with its ideals, let alone representing its interests. Which member of the top tier of the Northeast government was not from the old upper class? They had either studied abroad on government funds during the Qing era or on Beiyang funds during the Beiyang era. During the revolution, the interest group represented by these people did not include the Beiyang. These revolutionaries were ruthless when taking the lives of reactionaries.

The current revolutions in the Indian region faced a problem: the new governments inevitably had to absorb some people from the old era, especially being unable to refuse a portion of the old-era armed forces that joined with their weapons.

It couldn't be said that these old-era Indian armed forces were reactionaries, but the difference between the revolutions in the Indian region and China's was that while He Rui's organization also had people joining for various purposes, these people shared a consensus: to save the Chinese people, they didn't mind completely destroying the Old China to build a New China.

The current Indian revolution was largely triggered by China's proactive intervention. Because China had driven out the British colonizers, the nations of the Indian region had to establish completely new states. The local Indian revolutionaries did want to establish more advanced social systems, but their strength was insufficient, forcing them to absorb a portion of the enlightened old forces.

At this stage, the Indian revolution, strongly influenced by external conditions, began to enter deeper social construction. Sending those old-era military forces into the World People's Liberation Army and taking them to fight in Africa and Europe could reduce the internal pressure within the Indian nations, allowing the revolution to proceed with less resistance.

Cheng Ruofan thought this way, and everyone understood; the meeting quickly reached a decision.

On July 15, the Bengal government held a cabinet meeting. During the meeting, the Prime Minister, who was from the Bengal Civilization Party, informed the cabinet members: "The World People's Liberation Army is willing to provide us with 15 million Chinese Yuan in support."

Hearing there was 15 million in aid, the cabinet members' eyes lit up. Given that the British had been thoroughly defeated in the Indian region by Chinese troops with overwhelming speed, the Pound Sterling had instantly become waste paper in Bangladesh. Even without understanding political economy, these educated cabinet members knew that unless the British completed a counter-offensive, the Pound could only be spent in Britain. Currently, the only international currency Bengal could use was the Chinese Yuan.

Although Bengal's agricultural products could be sold to China, earning a lot of money, there were even more places to spend it. Bangladesh is situated on a plain with many rivers. To achieve more effective inland water transport, they needed to purchase a large number of motorized vessels. Bengal had already signed a cooperation agreement with China and obtained a batch of ships. Originally, the government felt they had bought enough, but once they truly began operating shipping companies, they found the number insufficient.

With 15 million Chinese Yuan in aid, they could buy more ships for inland transport. The greater the transport volume, the more agricultural products they could sell to China, earning more money.

The Minister of Transport hurriedly asked, "When will the money arrive?"

The Foreign Minister looked at the cash-blinded Transport Minister and offered his view: "What are the WPLA's requirements?"

The Prime Minister replied, "China... the World People's Liberation Army wants Bengal to provide them with troops."

Selling mercenaries was nothing to Bangladesh. They didn't lack manpower; they seemed to lack everything *except* manpower. The cabinet's discussion quickly turned to how to demand a high price; whether to send troops was not even a consideration.

And it wasn't just Bangladesh; except for northern India where the National Congress was striving to maintain distance from China, all other nations began discussing the "sale price" with the WPLA.

The amount of aid the WPLA could provide was quite decent, and a consensus was soon reached with various countries. With this step settled, everything else followed logically.

After the WPLA proposed the required unit designations, there was some pushback within the nations. The military personnel from the old upper class didn't want to go off to war and wanted to send less experienced members of the lower-level revolutionary army to risk their lives instead. The WPLA refused such requests, giving their reason: "We naturally hope for experienced officers and units to join our ranks; the candidates you propose lack combat experience, which would affect our battle arrangements."

This explanation didn't trigger alarm among the old upper class, as the British had done the same in India—the chosen soldiers had to have some heritage. Some younger and more vigorous old upper-class officers even felt their value was being recognized by the Chinese, hence their specific selection.

When it came to conspiracies, the Indians were no worse than the Chinese. But when it came to "open schemes" (Yang Mou), they lagged far behind. In less than a month, the armies of various Indian nations that had received transfer orders arrived at the planned military camps. Soon, they were aboard ships, heading for their target destination: the port city of Zanzibar in Tanzania. No sooner had they boarded than the officers heard the latest war news over the ship's radio.

On July 15, Chinese forces launched a vigorous assault on the Solomon Islands in the South Pacific.

The British-American Allied Forces in the Solomons felt as if the end of the world had come. Chinese four-engine heavy bombers poured a rain of bombs onto their positions. Before the heavy bombers arrived, slender and sleek Chinese jet fighters easily downed the US jet fighters just dispatched to the islands, then cut through the remaining US propeller fighters like a hot knife through butter, completely seizing control of the Solomon skies.

In Washington, Chief of Staff Marshall listened to an Air Force officer, veins bulging on his forehead, report the latest battle situation. Due to agitation, the officer was somewhat incoherent. Marshall sensed his shock but showed no emotional fluctuation.

The intense reaction of the US Air Force officer was not surprising. The US had gained much inspiration from the jet fighter prototype provided by Germany. Coupled with America's own powerful industrial strength and advanced technology imported from Britain, the US had done its utmost to produce its own jet fighter, naming it the F-86.

The F-86's engine was also inside the fuselage. Once tested, the clouds covering the minds of the US Air Force under the shadow of defeat were swept away, and their confidence in defeating China was restored.

A battle between jet fighters and propeller planes was like an adult fighting a junior high student; the advantage was immense. During the Hawaii campaign, the US military had reached a basic consensus on modern warfare: the role of the air force was paramount. The US was at the forefront of carrier and air force construction; the reason for their heavy defeat at the hands of China was that the Chinese Air Force's level of development was superior to that of the US.

Talking about the Chinese Air Force, the US military's sense of frustration was actually not that strong. Since China had used suicide planes to sink the British fleet in 1924, the US had considered the Chinese Air Force powerful. Because the US had tried to imitate them and found that the US at the time didn't have fighters capable of carrying so much explosive and striking a ship at such high speed.

When the Sino-British war broke out in 1926, the Chinese fighters' brand-new layout and various new tactics had been highly admired by US observers. The fact that the Chinese Air Force had soundly beaten the RAF in 1926 led the US military to believe China possessed an excellent air force.

In the current World War, the Chinese Air Force's performance didn't surprise the US. Moreover, the US military had grown very quickly; in 1926, its strength was below that of Britain. After making great strides, the US Air Force was now capable of engaging China in evenly matched, intense air combat. This progress had to be recognized.

When the jet fighter appeared, the US immediately sent them to the South Pacific for actual combat. They performed with startling effectiveness, achieving kill ratios of 8:0, 6:0, and 7:0 in three successive sorties.

Believing the urgent need was to deal a heavy blow to the Chinese Air Force, the US rushed 150 domestically produced fighters to the Solomon front and planned a general offensive.

Initially, on July 14th, the offensive went very smoothly. The US jet formations eliminated or drove off all Chinese propeller fighters in the area in short order. The US Army and Navy launched a full-scale assault under the cover of the jet fighters.

Then, 300 Chinese jet fighters suddenly appeared before the Americans. After a fierce battle, almost all the US jets were shot down. Subsequently, the Chinese heavy bombers began relentlessly pounding the attacking US Army forces.

While the Chinese propeller fighters couldn't deal with US jets, they still possessed lethal power against US Navy vessels. Even as the US fleet immediately tried to block them with intense anti-aircraft fire, they were still breached by the Chinese Air Force, which began sinking the US ships one by one.

If it were just another defeat, the US military would have been used to it. but this defeat meant the hope of America defeating China had been shattered. Furthermore, from then on, the US would face massive numbers of Chinese jet fighters; the subsequent war would only become more arduous. That terrifying future was far more unacceptable than a single defeat.

After listening to the report, Marshall stood up and walked to the office window with his hands behind his back, looking out. If one believed China was on the correct path of military development, the fact that the US was struck by the same types of equipment and technology after every breakthrough proved they too were on the right path. This wasn't bad news.

However, Marshall was now essentially certain that China had completed the development of nuclear weapons. Given current US production capacity, even if they finished development, their output would inevitably be extremely low. Since China had conducted over ten nuclear explosions, Marshall didn't believe they were doing it out of boredom; those tests must have greatly advanced their development. While he didn't know the exact results, Marshall believed Chinese nuclear weapons must be far more practical than current US ones.

In other words, if America used nuclear weapons against China, it would surely face a violent Chinese retaliation!

Marshall found it hard to describe his current mood. Gloom, fear, hesitation—yet also, unexpectedly, a sense of relief.

Yes, it was indeed relief. In Marshall's view, America had lost the possibility of winning the war. Since they couldn't win, all that remained was to find a dignified exit and secure the best possible future for the country.

With this thought, Marshall turned around. He found the office filled with generals from the Army Staff who had heard the news, as well as the Air Force officers already there. Marshall had been so focused on his thoughts that he hadn't even noticed them entering.

Looking out the window into the corridor, he saw many more officers standing there. Major and Brigadier Generals dared to enter the office, while Colonels and lower ranks stood in the hall. Seeing Marshall turn, the tormented officers stared at him, wanting to know his attitude.

Fearing his mission might not be completed, the Air Force officer stepped forward and said, "General, our commander requests you come to the Air Force Staff. He has important matters to discuss with you."

Marshall nodded. Going to the Air Force would allow him to avoid the current embarrassment. Most importantly, he didn't know what to say to the Army officers. Leaving now gave him time to think.

Picking up his cap, Marshall said to the gathered generals, "I am going to the Air Force Staff and then to the White House. You don't need to wait for me today... the Staff should first conduct an analysis and assessment of what has happened."

With that, Marshall put on his cap and walked out. The officers in the corridor made way for him, their expressions filled with gloom, fear, and hesitation—the very same emotions Marshall felt. Following through the crowd, Marshall didn't see a single relieved face, and he gave a bitter smile.

Aside from that smile, he had no other way to release the pain in his heart.

Atmosphere at the Air Force HQ was extremely heavy, though the sky hadn't fallen yet. Amidst the dejection, the Air Force Chief of Staff said gravely, "General Marshall, the Air Force requests the Army immediately provide the most detailed observation reports to help us analyze the combat power of the new Chinese fighters. Of course, our research centers are also doing their utmost to improve the F-86's performance. General, in my view, this is merely a setback. We still have the capability to fight on against the Chinese."

These words made Marshall feel much better. If he didn't know about the nuclear weapons, he might have found the courage to continue thinking about how to fight on.

Even knowing victory was impossible, Marshall was still moved and shook the Air Force chief's hand. "Rest assured, I will have the Army provide that intelligence immediately."

Seeing the Air Force chief breathe a sigh of relief, Marshall continued, "If there's nothing else, I am going to the White House. Would you like to come with me?"

Marshall saw hesitation in the Air Force chief's eyes. After a moment, the chief said, "Please wait a moment; the telegraph operators haven't received all the reports yet. General, let's look at what we have, and we can read the rest in the car."

Since the Air Force chief was so determined, Marshall nodded. "Let me see what has arrived."

By the time Marshall and the Air Force Chief of Staff reached the White House, Roosevelt had just finished some time with his lover, Lucy. At this point, Roosevelt didn't care much anymore and had completely let go in many matters. Since his wife was a social activist and mostly away from the White House, his actions had not been discovered.

Hardly had he straightened himself up when Roosevelt learned of their arrival. A sense of foreboding made him sigh, and he headed straight for the Oval Office. After hearing the latest reports, he wasn't angry. He asked, "Is there a plan for what comes next?"

In the car to the White House, Marshall and the Air Force chief had agreed that the top priority was no longer competing for the South Pacific but doing everything possible to withdraw the US forces from there. The Hawaii campaign had lasted so long only because the Japanese lacked good airfields.

Now, China had a vast number of airfields in the South Pacific, and the solid ground of Australia provided everything the Chinese Air Force needed. In the short term, the US Air Force was completely unable to protect the Army and Navy. If they continued to hold out, the US forces in the South Pacific were doomed.

To the President's question, Marshall replied, "The best course at this stage is to first withdraw the troops to New Zealand and strengthen its defenses to repel a possible Chinese offensive. Simultaneously, the Navy will form escort groups to evacuate the troops to the nearest South American nations."

Roosevelt felt this was the best plan. Withdrawing from New Zealand to the US West Coast was a long journey, certain to be ambushed by Chinese submarines. Since Chinese submarine ports were limited, it would be hard for them to set ambushes between New Zealand and the South American continent.

As for whether the South American nations would agree to the landings, that would require diplomatic effort. Given current US strength, the South Americans couldn't resist. Even if the US couldn't handle the Chinese, they could certainly handle South American nations.

Furthermore, sending Secretary of State Hull to South America would provide an opportunity to push for contact with the Chinese. Roosevelt too now believed America couldn't win; the focus had shifted to how to secure America's maximum interests while accepting the Chinese World Order.

"Then I await your plan," Roosevelt replied.

After Marshall took his leave, Roosevelt returned to his private office and had Lucy kneel before him. This damned war brought not a single piece of good news, but under the stimulation of conflict, Roosevelt's interest was piqued. Or rather, this was the only pleasure he had left.