**Chapter 838: World People's Liberation Army (6)**

On July 18, several cars stopped in front of Marshal Tukhachevsky's residence. As the doors opened, grim-faced members of the KGB stepped out. They didn't knock immediately, but first prepared their weapons before ringing the doorbell.

The door was opened by Tukhachevsky's orderly. The KGB agents immediately flashed their IDs; the orderly was stunned and instinctively moved to resist. The KGB had come prepared; someone immediately seized the orderly by the neck from behind, while two others moved in to pin him down. Other members of the team rushed into the house with their weapons drawn.

The KGB agents secured the exits and searched the rooms one by one. When they pushed open the door to the study, they found Tukhachevsky standing before a massive map. Hearing them enter, the Marshal turned around. He showed no surprise at the sight of the KGB agents.

The agents had prepared for resistance or protestations of innocence, but Tukhachevsky's face only looked somewhat gray; otherwise, he remained motionless.

The officer in charge pushed through the others, stepped up to Tukhachevsky, and produced an arrest warrant. He said loudly, "Mikhail Nikolayevich Tukhachevsky, you are under arrest for organizing a counter-revolutionary rebellion with the intent to overthrow the Soviet regime. You are charged with treason and terrorist insurrection!"

Tukhachevsky did not resist. The KGB agents quickly handcuffed him and led him out.

This wave of arrests was not limited to Tukhachevsky; from July 18th to the 20th, many high-ranking members of the CPSU were seized. Among them were several senior Red Army officers arrested directly at their frontline headquarters.

The reason the Soviet leadership moved against Tukhachevsky and others was certainly because they had formed an opposition faction against the Stalinist line, and Stalin believed they had to be eliminated. Another crucial reason was that the CPSU genuinely believed these men bore significant responsibility for the recent defeats.

Marshal Tukhachevsky had long been responsible for Soviet military construction. During his leadership, the Central Committee and the Red Army had done their best to cooperate with his vision. However, since the outbreak of war, facts had proven that Tukhachevsky's military theories not only failed to help the Red Army but had led to the current disastrous failures due to his incorrect line.

Furthermore, Tukhachevsky and his followers had implemented a ruthless crackdown on dissent during their tenure, dismissing, imprisoning, or even executing generals who argued that Soviet military development must fit Soviet reality.

Most of those executed had been officers in the Tsarist Army. They were first labeled as "White Army" sympathizers and then charged as a conspiracy group for "plotting to obstruct the Red Army's technical progress." In Russian cultural tradition and social habit, once a member of the elite loses the explicit protection of the most powerful force, only death awaits.

Because Stalin had not spoken up, these Red Army generals faced certain death. Tukhachevsky, meanwhile, had built his "prestige" by physically eliminating generals who clearly opposed him and forced through his military concepts. When the backlash came, Tukhachevsky himself was naturally the first to be struck.

At this point, the German offensive had been underway for nearly two months. The Wehrmacht's reserve organization was extremely efficient; the first wave of 3.3 million Germans, after two months of fierce fighting, had defeated nearly two million Soviet troops and achieved a series of victories.

Now, the Battle of Kiev was nearing its end. The Germans estimated that about one million Soviet elite troops were trapped in an encirclement. They were launching a final assault to completely annihilate this Soviet concentration.

As early as June 7, following a series of frontier battles and the failure of the Dubno-Lutsk-Rovno tank engagement, the Red Army High Command had concluded that the southwest was the main German axis of attack. Consequently, they deployed the majority of the Red Army's strength in Ukraine: the Southwestern Front (5th, 6th, 26th, and 12th Armies) and the Southern Front (18th and 9th Armies), totaling six armies, 69 infantry divisions, 11 cavalry divisions, and 28 armored brigades, commanded by Marshal Budyonny. Following orders from the Stavka (High Command), the Southwestern Front began its withdrawal from Western Ukraine on June 10, 1942.

Stalin believed strategy couldn't be changed immediately just because of a defeat, yet he wasn't foolish enough to simply hold out blindly. The Southwestern Front's task was to have field units occupy the fortified regions constructed on the old border—Korosten, Novohrad-Volynskyi, Shepetivka, Starokostiantyniv, and Proskuriv—by June 15th and organize a solid defense along that line.

This defensive line was precisely the point He Rui had suggested to the Red Army before the war. At that time, He Rui's advice was to place the main heavy concentrations on this line—built on the old border to guard against a Polish offensive—and station units in tiers between this line and the Polish-Soviet border. When attacked, these tiered units would continuously strike at the German armored units, absorbing the impact of the first wave. By the time the delaying forces withdrew to the main line, the Red Army would be ready to launch a vigorous counter-attack against an already exhausted Wehrmacht.

He Rui did not overestimate the Red Army; in his suggestion, he explicitly stated that if the German offensive remained sharp, the Red Army should hold the complete fortifications and engage in a war of attrition. At this point in the war, the Kremlin's orders to the Southwestern Front were to hold the line and seek opportunities for counter-attack.

The German Army Group South (1st Panzer Group under von Kleist; 6th and 17th Armies under von Reichenau and von Stülpnagel respectively) launched its main force toward Kiev to break through the Soviet front along the old fortified line and seize bridgeheads on the Dnieper River. Thereafter, the assault groups would turn southeast to prevent the main force of the Southwestern Front from retreating across the Dnieper and annihilate them with strikes from the rear.

While a significant portion of Soviet officers were still prepared for a fight to the death, the Southwestern Front had 44 divisions—all heavily weakened in combat—facing 40 German divisions (including 10 panzer and motorized divisions). The Wehrmacht had more than double the infantry, artillery, and mortars of the Red Army, and 50% more aircraft.

More lethally, the Wehrmacht had confirmed the power of jet fighters through combat and had strained every nerve to assemble 160 of them. The Luftwaffe's fighters were already more advanced than the Soviets', giving them a huge advantage in air combat. With these 160 jets, the Germans swept the skies, completely seizing air superiority.

Originally, the Southwestern Front believed its lines were long and deep enough to withstand the Germans. They hadn't expected that after taking the sky, the Germans would break through both Soviet flanks under air cover, trapping the entire Front in an encirclement. Inside the pocket, the Southwestern Front tried to break out, but no matter how fearless or desperate the Soviet tank attacks were, the Luftwaffe's Stuka dive-bombers easily destroyed one tank after another.

Inside the Kremlin, Stalin had handed over the management of the Southwestern Front's breakout to the current Chief of the General Staff, General Zhukov, while he discussed Chinese aid with Foreign Minister Molotov.

At the outbreak of the war, China had explicitly stated there was no upper limit to its aid for the Soviet Union. The CPSU leadership at the time believed the Red Army had a chance of victory, so they were unwilling to join the Chinese camp just because of the invasion.

Theoretically, the Allies were meant to act in unison, but in reality, the camp was divided into three forces: the United States, the Fascist bloc, and the Western European nations. The relationships among these three were not harmonious. The Western European group—including Britain, France, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg—had been defeated in the 1940 campaign and felt no affinity for Germany.

When Germany became the leader of the Fascist bloc, the Western Europeans saw the danger of Germany gaining full control over Central and Eastern Europe. Germany becoming the preeminent European power would inevitably lead to Western Europe being completely subject to the Fascists. France, in particular, had always viewed Central and Eastern Europe as its sphere of influence.

The US hoped to control Western Europe, especially with the fellow-Anglo-Saxon British clinging to its leg. To the Soviets, as long as they defeated the Fascists, it was entirely possible to trade with the US and Western Europeans over the division of Europe. Joining China's side, however, would sever the possibility of such a deal.

This was because the Soviet Union had previously sounded out the He Rui government and received a response that left them highly dissatisfied. He Rui's government stated that the war China promoted was a just war of liberation. If the USSR joined China's side, China could not publicly accept any Soviet moves to change borders or treat other nations as Soviet satellites.

In Russian culture, He Rui's opposition could be seen as hostility. After all, the USSR had sincerely stated its recognition of Chinese control over Asia, arguing that the nations "liberated" by China had every reason to accept Chinese guidance politically and economically.

Based on its own ambitions and ideological differences with China, the Central Committee of the CPSU had only requested Chinese help in the fields of industry and equipment. They had not asked for a large Chinese army to enter the USSR.

These were decisions made after Central Committee discussions; currently, Stalin and Molotov had no time for reflection or evaluation of the personnel involved. Stalin stated his requirement to Molotov: "Commissioner Molotov, at this stage we need Chinese jet fighters. I am certain China has its own jets by now."

Molotov did not reply, simply memorizing the request and judging Stalin's overall direction from the contents of the aid he proposed.

Had Chinese aid arrived? It certainly had. After the Soviet Union entered a state of war, many enterprises turned to war production, and numerous light industrial factories stopped producing civilian goods. Yet to this day, in cities and villages outside the areas occupied by the Nazis, store shelves remained fully stocked.

The Trans-Siberian Railway was currently congested, with train after train from China filled with every kind of commodity: from clothes and footwear to cigarettes, ham, butter, and instant noodles.

Stalin listed several requirements, all technical needs for the non-military system, leading Molotov to believe Stalin's view hadn't changed. To a great power, only one's own strength is reliable. As the saying goes in Russia: "Russia has only two allies: its Army and its Navy."

If they used Chinese-supplied weaponry and military technology in large quantities, the Soviet military industry would inevitably become dependent on China's. The USSR had, after all, completed three Five-Year Plans and possessed a considerable understanding of modern military industry. Once their industry turned to Chinese technology, it would remain dependent on it in the future.

Therefore, the most important items on the aid list the Soviets had proposed were 10,000 Chinese-produced J-9 and J-10 fighters, along with some dual-use technologies. They hadn't even requested the introduction of J-9 and J-10 production lines.

"In addition to advanced fighters, we need the technology and equipment to process and produce them," Stalin added.

Molotov simply nodded; with his memory, he wouldn't forget these details. Stalin didn't say much and soon finished. Molotov then asked, "Comrade General Secretary, do we need to request that China dispatch troops? Or if China proposes to send troops, how should we answer?"

Stalin did not answer immediately. Chinese troops entering the war meant the two nations would fully enter a military alliance; even if the USSR hadn't formally joined the Chinese camp, other nations would no longer accept a separate peace.

Even now, Stalin was still hesitating. Finally, he replied, "If China suggests sending troops, tell them to consider having those forces ready first."

Molotov felt Stalin was perhaps truly being muddled by the current situation. China was not a Soviet vassal; how could they possibly set aside troops specifically for the USSR!

As for China's current situation, that was even more interesting. The USSR was at war with Germany, while China was at war with Britain and America. Even if Britain was no longer powerful, it was still one of the few industrial giants. As for America, if they were at war with the USSR, the pressure would be immense.

China was fighting in the Pacific and Indian Oceans simultaneously, with front lines and logistics stretching tens of thousands of kilometers. To ask China to reserve troops for the USSR was something Molotov didn't dare propose. Believing Stalin had spoken out of agitation, he simply ignored that part.

After finishing with Stalin, Molotov returned to his office and received a call from the head of the Supply Department. This comrade was very direct: "Commissioner Molotov, I hope you can request the transfer of pellet fuel technology from China."

"...What is that?" Molotov was completely puzzled.

After the other explained, Molotov was speechless.

Pellet fuel is heating fuel made from compressed biomass. The most common type is wood pellets. As a form of wood fuel, they are usually made from compacted sawdust or other waste from sawmills and other wood products. Other woody biomass sources include palm kernel shells, coconut shells, and tree tops or branches left after logging. Grasses can also be pelletized. Pellets are produced in several grades for power plants, homes, and other applications. They are extremely dense and can be produced with low moisture content (below 10%), allowing for high combustion efficiency.

Furthermore, their regular geometry and small size allow for finely calibrated automated feeding. They can be fed via auger or pneumatic transport. Their high density also allows for compact storage and reasonable long-distance transport. They can be easily blown from tanker trucks into customers' bins or silos.

"Comrade, we in the Soviet Union have plenty of timber!" Molotov reminded him.

The head of Supply replied, "That is why I hope China will transfer the technology."

Molotov was in a bad mood but couldn't vent it over major affairs; this "small matter" provided an outlet. He shouted into the phone, "Comrade, what makes you think the Foreign Ministry should handle such trifles! Must we do the same work as the Ministry of Commerce? Why not just rename us then!"

The man on the other end was perhaps too stubborn and began explaining to Molotov. Highly efficient Chinese wood pellet stoves and boilers had been developed, typically providing over 85% efficiency. Compared to liquid or gas fuel systems, they offered limited control over combustion speed, making them better suited for hot water systems with large thermal storage capacity. There were even pellet burners that could be retrofitted into oil boilers.

Currently, Soviet oil and coal supplies were very tight. Rather than waiting for fuel shortages to leave people in the war zones freezing, it was better to solve the issue now.

Molotov was about to lose his temper again when a possibility occurred to him: "Is China refusing to export this technology?"