The substantive outbreak of the American Civil War became the largest conflict following the conclusion of the Second World War. Li Runshi wished to devote more attention to it, yet he found himself with no time to spare.

In 1944, He Rui had withstood immense pressure to begin transitioning China’s industrial production from wartime service to normal social production. Like any major policy shift, this necessitated a purge of those who had extracted illegal profits under the previous regime.

In the He Rui government, most of those who had grown wealthy through illegal means had done so only because the state had been hesitant to "strike the rat for fear of breaking the vase." Now that the "rabbit" was dead, the time had come to "cook the hound." Investigations into their illicit activities had long been underway; they were merely waiting for the day when the findings could be publicized.

Li Runshi was forced to focus on these matters because the lawbreakers were entangled with many individuals of high standing within the system.

If it were merely a matter of bribing inspectors to pass off substandard goods for economic gain, the Ministry of Justice could handle it. Such crimes did not warrant Li’s time or energy.

What concerned Li were those who, amidst the social upheaval of the war, attempted to establish institutional models conducive to monopoly—namely, to bureaucratic capitalism, as well as to capitalist and feudal systems.

One such organization, formed by prominent businessmen, was the "Huashan Society." Li watched them closely. Based on the philosophy that "there is but one path up Mount Hua," the society argued that state-owned economies were inherently less efficient than private ones. Consequently, they proposed that for society to operate efficiently, social management should be handled more by enterprises and less by the government.

The rebuttal to the Huashan Society's ideology had been formulated while He Rui was still alive. He had commissioned an economic research department led by Li Runshi to compare the operating models of state-owned and private enterprises, resulting in a clear analysis of the political philosophies and "Chinese characteristics" behind each.

He Rui’s economic theories had often drawn criticism from those in Europe who called themselves communists. This was because He Rui acknowledged that in the pursuit of individual profit, private enterprises were far more efficient than state-owned ones. Therefore, once the rules of production were established, he insisted that state and private firms compete directly in the marketplace.

European "communists" generally believed that the ownership of production must be subject to moral evaluation and hierarchical classification.

He Rui held such views in disdain. He believed that competition in the field of production forced private enterprises to conduct "extreme experiments" regarding consumer demand.

For instance, take a simple bicycle. A private firm would find every possible way to satisfy the people’s needs, creating numerous specialized improvements. In this field, the primary goal of a Central Enterprise (SOE) was not to meet every whim, but to satisfy the basic needs of the people to ensure social stability. Only after meeting these fundamental—and already difficult—demands would an SOE consider the high-risk R&D required for expanded demand. Furthermore, such R&D would naturally lean toward low-cost production.

The equity of an SOE was held by the Center—it was state-owned—meaning its capacity for risk was inherently low. The leaders of an SOE bore immense responsibility; an investment failure was a burden the leadership could hardly sustain. Nor could the state simply lift this restriction and grant SOE heads a "death-exemption medal" for failure.

If a private venture-capital investment failed, the firm was devastated—perhaps even bankrupt. Thus, from an economic standpoint, it was only rational that they should reap high profits from successful R&D.

SOEs, conversely, had a low tolerance for failure. How to promote SOE efficiency under such conditions was a matter of systemic research for the state.

Li Runshi possessed a high level of understanding of these issues, which was why the Huashan Society drew his scrutiny. They intended to alter China’s economic system, and a change in the economic system would inevitably lead to a change in the political one.

The Huashan Society was relatively sophisticated among domestic capital groups. The majority of others were merely "bumpkin" parvenus or highly speculative ventures. Their political demands were far more primitive.

Due to their lower caliber, some of these groups proposed that since "those without permanent property have no permanent heart," the state-owned nature of land should be abolished.

Faced with such capital, Li Runshi felt an impulse to uproot them entirely. But recalling He Rui’s remark that he was "too kind-hearted," he quickly calmed himself.

Reflecting on He Rui’s policy-making and layout, Li felt his understanding of the man deepening. He Rui was indeed not a "good man." He Rui, the self-proclaimed anti-social, anti-human madman, did not view these capitalists as human beings but rather as tools or symbols.

According to research, the reason such "madmen" could commit appalling crimes was that their biological structure prevented them from empathizing with normal people.

He Rui’s policies were founded upon an understanding of humanity and human behavioral patterns derived from pure natural law. Ultimately, the resulting policies appeared quite uncomfortable to those sensitive to traditional morality.

Because they were built upon new theories of human study, the debates over "judging by intent vs. judging by deed" had been resolved with a complete, systemic explanation.

So-called "Free Choice" in the humanities did not exist. Biological functions naturally yielded to the influence of the material world. If anything was truly "free," it was the ability of the "self"—shaped by one's will—to reject the choices already made by one's body.

Recalling He Rui’s teachings, Li felt his inner self grow steady. He finally suppressed the urge to apply the "criticism of weapons" to the counter-revolutionaries and turned his focus to the universal promotion of New Chinese culture and lifestyle.

He Rui’s greatest expectation for Li Runshi was that he would create a completely new lifestyle under the socialist system—one that could compete with the capitalist lifestyle and emerge victorious.

To rely on the criticism of weapons would not only fail to win that victory but would turn the new lifestyle into a source of reaction.

Yet this was an incredibly difficult task. With his attention fixed on this goal, Li had neither the time nor the energy to consider the American "quasi-civil war."

While Li was preoccupied, the relevant departments handled the American situation according to their own designs. China’s current policy prioritized the establishment of the new economic order in Asia and Africa, followed by South and Central America.

With the global war just concluded, the leaders within the Li Runshi government believed that if China truly wanted a full-scale civil war in America, the best method was not to intervene personally but to provide the fuel to keep the conflict burning.

Munitions stockpiles in China were more than enough to sustain the Black veterans in the Northwest in their struggle for liberation.

The real way to help the Black veterans now was to assist them in building their capacity for governance. This included not only administration, justice, and military affairs, but also diplomacy.

Thus, the government dispatched experts to engage in deep discussions with the Black leaders. Ultimately, the four northwestern states accepted the Chinese advice and issued a declaration to the other American states and the world.

"...The Black people are merely fighting for their civil rights. As builders of America, Black people are inherently citizens of the United States.

"The four northwestern states are integral parts of the United States. The Black people are resisting oppression and slaughter; they have absolutely no intention of splitting the country.

"Therefore, the four northwestern states firmly oppose the racist murderers currently in Washington. We hope to awaken the courage and strength of all American states to uphold justice and prevent the ultimate disintegration of our nation."

The declaration from the northwestern legislatures concluded with the slogan: "To unity, not division!"

The declaration made every white American who saw it—particularly those in the North—feel exceedingly uncomfortable. Northern whites truly believed the Black seizure of power in the Northwest through force was a rebellion. Even if it wasn't a rebellion against the Union, it was a rebellion against white people. For a people who had always viewed Blacks as an inferior race, the idea of a Black revolt was more intolerable than Chinese control of the region.

Because of the reality of their defeat in the Second World War, American whites had been forced to admit that the Chinese were a race not inferior to their own. They could, therefore, accept losing to China with relative composure.

But Black people could not be equal to whites. Even if they had to admit to being racists or fascists, American whites could not accept equality with Blacks.

The officials in the Li Runshi government were well aware of this. While the Northwest issued its "non-secession" declaration, China continued to strengthen its military and administrative support for the four states.

In internal discussions, it was noted that if the Northwest did not fail militarily, the federal government might very well kick them out of the Union entirely. The comrades felt this might be the best possible outcome—much like the state China had forcibly established for the Jews in Europe.

The same large department was responsible for the Jewish state in Europe and the support for the American Northwest. When the workers grew tired, they would exchange stories of their respective missions.

The comrade handling European affairs spoke of the bizarre developments there. The European Jews had reluctantly accepted independence but firmly rejected the name "Israel." They believed that since their traditions dictated that Jews were destined to wander until the end of time, when Jehovah would lead them back to Israel.

Establishing a Jewish state now was seen as contrary to their religious doctrine. Yet the pressure of survival was so great that they realized they had to have a state to prevent another Holocaust.

Ultimately, they agreed to a state, but insisted it be called anything but Israel. For now, the European state was temporarily named the Kingdom of Judah.

Hearing this, the comrades in the North America department felt that the Black veterans were positively progressive compared to the Jews. In Chinese eyes, living one's life according to a book written by a "god" two thousand years ago was essentially a form of madness.

While China’s own Analects had been written around the same time, it was merely a book—one could choose to believe it or not. It had endured only because most found its concepts sound and learned much from it.

Having finished their exchange of "strange tales," the North American team returned to their work with renewed energy. They felt fortunate not to have been assigned to the European department. Dealing with a group of religious fanatics made them worry their patience would evaporate, and they would end up berating the "holy men" for their feudal superstitions!