**Chapter 868: Cute Stalin (5)**

January 1, 1943. While the Northern Hemisphere was in the grip of a freezing winter, the Southern Hemisphere was in the heat of midsummer. General MacArthur, Commander of the US Pacific Command, was in no mood to celebrate the New Year. The Pacific Theater headquarters in Melbourne, Australia, had moved into a basement with poor ventilation. The British and American officers in the headquarters had "let themselves go," smoking every tobacco product they could get their hands on.

Recently, the Australian government had provided the headquarters with a batch of tobacco leaves; generals had their orderlies roll cigarettes, while colonels and below rolled their own. The outcome of the campaign held no more suspense, and with Australia being a giant island, these officers had no other thoughts. They were never without a cigarette in hand, filling the basement with a choking smog.

The latest battle reports had reached the headquarters, but the officers—feeling the ground tremble from the bombardment—showed little interest in them.

Watching MacArthur study the map with an indifferent expression, a British lieutenant colonel found an excuse to leave the headquarters. Once outside, he reported the latest situation within the command to Governor General Alexander Hore-Ruthven.

The Governor's residence had not been bombed. Ruthven's secretary reported to him, concluding with the key piece of information: "Your Excellency, MacArthur has not fled."

Ruthven merely nodded, then asked with some irritation, "Has China still not issued a surrender proclamation?"

The secretary shook his head with regret. "Your Excellency, to date, the Chinese side has shown no intention of negotiating."

Learning that China had left them no room for bargaining, Governor Ruthven said bitterly, "It seems those damnable Chinese truly intend to conduct a great massacre!"

The secretary had no answer. Over the past six months, Britain had conscripted every man in Australia between the ages of 16 and 60 and diverted 200,000 troops from New Zealand. These British forces, mixed with American units, formed an army of 1.81 million.

Because the white British colonists in Australia and New Zealand believed the Chinese would conduct a massacre, their will to resist was quite firm. Relying on their massive numbers, resolute spirit, and supplies desperately shipped from America, this British-American Allied force held a defensive line built into the eastern Australian mountains, engaging the Chinese military in grueling combat.

According to British tradition, if Britain were the dominant side, they would have long ago proposed surrender negotiations to their opponent. This practice served two purposes: first, to shake the enemy's resolve; second, to see if a peace faction existed within the enemy ranks. If the peace faction's demands weren't excessive, Britain could make certain compromises to end an expensive war as quickly as possible.

But China hadn't done so. Instead, they had completed the encirclement of the Allied forces and were relentlessly inflicting casualties with heavy ground and air fire.

In six months, this 1.81-million-man force had suffered 500,000 casualties. Mass graves were everywhere in Melbourne and other eastern regions, while hospitals only provided treatment for officers. Wounded soldiers were sent to monasteries to live or die on their own.

Voluntary surrender was certainly impossible; Australia had to fight on for the King. But a consensus had formed within the Governor's office and the senior ranks of the British South Pacific Command: if China sent anyone to negotiate, Ruthven was fully prepared to accept their terms for surrender.

Yet China wouldn't even give Britain that ladder to climb down. To Ruthven, it seemed China was truly bent on a massacre. After a silence, he asked his secretary with some shame, "Are there any reports of mutiny in the units?"

The secretary was stunned and replied hurriedly, "Your Excellency, the units' fighting spirit remains very firm!"

This answer left Ruthven speechless. He felt guilty for his own cowardice, yet also a faint resentment toward the local Australians!

If a mutiny occurred, he could use the inability to quell it as an excuse to take his staff and flee to New Zealand. Since the army still had the will to fight, he couldn't use that move.

Currently, within the frontline defensive positions held by the Australian army, survivors of a round of heavy Chinese attacks returned to the trenches like the walking dead under the command of British officers. They had long grown used to this daily routine: simply clearing the bodies of fallen comrades and sending the wounded to a designated area.

That area had long since become a mass grave. A group would be sent there each day, and the next day those who had died—and some who hadn't—were buried, only for a new batch to be sent.

Those surviving were mostly adults; the elderly couldn't endure the harsh conditions of the trenches and had died off. Hot-blooded youths and teenagers had launched charges and been spent in the attacks.

Through this battlefield selection, the average life expectancy on the Australian front had reached 33 years. These men had varying thoughts, but all had seen British massacres of non-whites and were convinced that if they surrendered, the Chinese would do exactly what the British had done. And with the Chinese lines opposite them so tight, the white Australians dared not attempt a surrender.

Anglican clergy emphasized daily that the Chinese massacred prisoners and that surrendering to "infidels" would affect a Christian's place in the afterlife. If God decided that those who surrendered to heathens lost their ticket to heaven, the men who had held out this long would lose everything!

The Asian Allied Forces opposite them were quite puzzled by the Australian reaction. Because the Japanese had conducted several massacres in Australia and had completed their task of taking Hawaii, the Allied command had agreed to let the Japanese Army withdraw to Japan. Unless the war situation underwent a major shift, the Japanese Army likely wouldn't participate in the conflict again.

Korean units filled the slots left by the Japanese. To the Koreans, the Australians' performance proved they had chosen to fight to the death. In Asian culture, an enemy who chooses to fight to the end must be "uprooted by the roots" (zhan cao chu gen). Thus, the 18 divisions of the six Korean corps newly arrived on the Australian front were undergoing full internal mobilization.

The Asian Allied South Pacific Command had now merged with the Central Pacific Command; Zhong Yifu and Zheng Silang were currently formulating the final battle to thoroughly resolve Australia.

The two old comrades had previously argued over whether the Air Force should first support the Solomon Islands or the offensive into Eastern Australia; Zhong had ultimately decided on the Solomons. Looking back, his decision was correct. Having driven the US Navy back to the East Pacific coast, Zhong's initial plan to bleed the US Navy by drawing them into supporting Australia and New Zealand was realized once they retreated.

Throughout December, US maritime transport had been minimal. Zhong and Zheng sat drinking tea, waiting for the data compiled by the staff. At this stage, the Command needed one last piece of clear intelligence: were the ammunition and supplies the US was shipping to the South Pacific going to New Zealand or Australia?

Of course, the defensive capabilities of either would not affect the Chinese military. China's plan included arrangements for the total destruction of the battlefield. Massive quantities of fuel-air explosives (FAE/cloud-burst bombs) had arrived at the front; these had proven their power in Hawaii. They could cover an area of approximately 1,500 square kilometers—roughly the size of the area where the Allied forces were concentrated.

Zheng Silang didn't mention this. He took a sip of tea and remarked with some emotion, "Yifu, I think we might rely more on the Korean units."

Zhong Yifu knew exactly what he meant, as he too was not entirely in favor of such blanket fire coverage. More importantly, He Rui had only approved the ammunition supply and hadn't offered any suggestions on its use.

This gave Zhong the impression that He Rui might not be so supportive of it either. But he didn't dare ask, fearing He Rui might very likely favor using these weapons of mass destruction.

Besides the potential use of FAEs, Zhong's rank allowed him to know about the progress of nuclear weapons development. Thus, he expressed support for Zheng's suggestion: "I too believe the Koreans should have the chance to participate and win their own glory."

These words from two high-ranking military leaders were profoundly significant. At their level, they couldn't speak of the aid to Korea. Yet that aid had been discussed within the party core and the government.

A simple discussion of rewards for merit would have been one thing. But with the government leadership involved, industrial planning was naturally brought into the conversation. Zhong and Zheng then learned of a view held within the party and government: that Japan's excessive development must be restricted through industrial division.

Based on the New Economic Order China wanted to build, it couldn't simply use traditional means to pressure Japan. Industrial policy layout was entirely different from military or political pressure. It was based on comparative advantage; fostering industry in regions with greater comparative advantage was highly persuasive.

Even more brilliantly, China could suggest that Japan invest in certain Korean industries, allowing Japan to earn investment profits.

From a capital operation perspective, China was truly helping Japan find ways to make money. But from an industrial development standpoint, this was using Japanese money to help industries that would compete with Japan.

So Zheng Silang sighed, "Yifu, I don't think I'm cut out for politics. After the war, I think retiring to an old folks' home would be a good choice."

Zhong Yifu gave a bitter smile. "Silang, someone always has to step up and bear the political responsibility."

Hearing this, Zheng immediately thought of the recent results in nuclear research. With the help of massive computer calculations and several tests, China had mastered nuclear miniaturization.

Originally, nuclear weapons required a vast amount of fissile material; the first one had used 24kg of Uranium-235. Now, only a few kilograms were needed to achieve the same yield.

To a soldier, this meant China's nuclear weapons were fully combat-ready. As a Chinese, an instinctive resistance to mass slaughter made Zheng Silang unwilling to bear such a burden.

Seeing Zhong's expression, Zheng was certain he wasn't playing games. He said decisively, "Then it can only be Vice Chairman Li who bears the necessary responsibility."

Zhong was somewhat surprised that Zheng expressed support for Li Runshi succeeding He Rui. But considering the cost of war, he found he truly was willing to make way.

Many political decisions were simply things Zhong Yifu was unwilling to shoulder!