**Chapter 867: Cute Stalin (4)**

The cadres of Hubei Province had expected He Rui to say something regarding the funeral of Zhang Xiluan's second son, but to their surprise, he only offered condolences to the Zhang family, chatted for a few moments, and took his leave. In the subsequent inspection meetings, he made no mention of any private matters related to the family. Seeing that He Rui—ordinarily not one for sentiment—could be so humane while strictly keeping personal affairs out of public business left the officials feeling quite relieved.

Hubei, located in Central China, is the "Thoroughfare of Nine Provinces," enjoying the convenience of Yangtze River shipping; its heavy industry had developed quite rapidly. However, after the Hubei Provincial Party Secretary delivered a report on expanding heavy industry and creating a heavy industry center, he found that He Rui made no response at all. The Secretary and the other Hubei leaders were quite taken aback.

Every region in China was vigorously developing industry, and Hubei naturally didn't want to lag behind, hoping for massive investment to leverage its advantages. Whenever He Rui supported a region, he would usually offer a few words of praise.

Now, He Rui was silent, showing no sign of support, which reminded the Hubei officials of rumors regarding a "re-layout of industry." Since the He Rui government took power nationwide, China's industry had focused on satisfying domestic demand. Before the outbreak of World War II, under the influence of the global recession, the Chinese government had borrowed heavily, spending the money on industrial investment and strengthening infrastructure, basic education, and vocational training.

According to news from the State Council, the government was preparing to adjust the entire nation's industrial layout to adapt to the future global configuration. As for exactly how that configuration would affect Chinese industry, there were many theories, with every department having its own view. Amidst the varying interests, the only point of consensus was that the State Council intended to temporarily freeze investment.

If the rumor were true and the Central Government was tightening the purse strings, then all of Hubei's current industrial plans were unlikely to pass. From He Rui's reaction, the officials couldn't help but suspect the rumor was likely true.

The provincial government had expended immense effort on this plan; if it failed, not only would that effort be wasted, but the comrades in Hubei would think their leadership was out of step with the times. For the sake of his own prestige, the Secretary was naturally unwilling to let it slide. He asked, "Chairman, I wonder what your view is on Hubei's status as a transportation and logistics hub?"

When it came to such theoretical questions, He Rui was always interested in a discussion. Moreover, while Hubei's industrial proposal didn't meet his expectations, it did have its merits. He replied, "China is bound to enter an era of 'Dual Circulation.' On one hand is the domestic economic circulation, and on the other is the circulation of international trade and finance. Hubei Province will see great development in both areas."

Hearing this, the Secretary's mind raced. He took a gamble and said, "Chairman, as the Thoroughfare of Nine Provinces, Hubei has a strong desire to improve its transportation..."

This time the answer interested He Rui much more, though the standard of the Hubei comrades was clearly below Li Runshi's. Through his various roles, Li had seen the future direction of the economy and had keenly realized the demographic problems China would face after comprehensive industrialization. The Hubei comrades were still unable to judge the future economy from such a height.

After the Secretary finished describing the transportation plan, he hesitantly raised the most difficult part: "However, massive infrastructure investment requires an ocean of capital. And Hubei doesn't wish to rely solely on Central allocations; we hope these projects can drive Hubei's own industrial development."

This answer satisfied He Rui. In 1942, to understand "using a point to drive a whole area" and using an investment axis to drive industrial development—this level of provincial-level cognition was likely unique in the world. Neither Europe nor America could compare.

But He Rui wasn't satisfied with this level and asked, "Wuhan is a city with a very bright future. I wonder what kind of population growth Hubei expects for it?"

At the mention of population growth, the Hubei leadership looked embarrassed. From 1924 to 1942, less than twenty years into high-speed industrialization, population had become a source of both pain and joy for leaders in industrialized areas.

Ultimately, neither the Secretary nor the Governor asked for He Rui's view on population. It wasn't that they lacked courage, but that the topic was now highly sensitive, almost taking on the flavor of a line struggle. And this struggle wasn't limited to Hubei; every industrial province faced conflicting opinions triggered by their chosen development paths. It had become a problem at the level of the Civilization Party and the Central Government.

Seeing that the Hubei comrades were unwilling to "poke through the window paper," He Rui didn't intend to say much. China's industrialization had been too brief; any definitive statement on such a problem would be inappropriate. Even in the year 2030 of another timeline, where China had rich experience and full understanding of the problems caused by industrial development, the issue of line struggle remained unresolved.

Seeing He Rui appeared unwilling to talk further, the Hubei Governor still wouldn't let it end so abruptly. He mustered his courage and asked, "Chairman, asking for the answer now feels like cheating. But we still hope for your guidance."

The Hubei provincial and government comrades were stunned by such a blunt question. In the eighteen years of national construction under the He Rui government, getting promoted required the ability to understand the leadership's thinking—especially the Center's. More plainly, one had to understand He Rui's policy logic.

For the Governor to ask this way would be viewed as a lack of comprehension.

Just as the other comrades were growing uneasy, the Secretary spoke up: "Chairman, even if we cannot understand it now, we still hope you can point the way, so we may do our best to grasp it."

Seeing both leaders speak thus, the various bureau chiefs had to follow suit. For a moment, there was quite a groundswell.

He Rui didn't really want to explain; even if the direction wasn't something meant to be secret, he still preferred it to be handled by the State Council. But on second thought, the second stage of the world war was nearing completion; talking about it with the Hubei comrades wouldn't affect the broad direction. So he decided to share his view.

"Comrades, urbanization under high-speed industrialization means a comprehensive increase in governance pressure. But population growth is limited after all. I have a question: how many permanent residents do you believe the city of Wuhan will grow to have?"

The Wuhan Municipal Secretary and Mayor were both members of the Provincial Committee; every gaze fell upon the Mayor. He didn't panic, but reflected for a moment before answering, "Wuhan currently has 4 million people; I believe it can reach 6 million."

He Rui shook his head. "In China's era of continuous industrialization, Wuhan's population will peak at around 11 million."

The Hubei leaders' expressions changed; they knew well what a terrifying challenge population posed to social management. Currently, even during wartime with strong social control and a tendency toward harsh sentencing, they still hadn't completely suppressed crime in Wuhan. Especially since the population had nearly doubled in five years—from 2.4 million to 4 million—criminal cases had more than tripled.

Facing the pressure of public order, two opposing views had emerged within the Provincial Committee, which had become new content for conflict within the party and government.

If He Rui's judgment was correct and the population rose from 4 million to 11 million... just thinking about it made the Hubei comrades' heads ache.

He Rui naturally knew their thoughts, having at least heard of the social chaos in China during the 70s through 90s. At that time, because basic education had been completed, the population exploded; though industry was developing, it couldn't provide enough jobs, and industrialization was just starting. Powerful pressure and savage economic growth had made society very chaotic.

Seeing the Hubei comrades looking so troubled, He Rui asked the question he had discussed with Li Runshi: "Comrades, are the people the object of our service, or are they a kind of national resource?"

At this question, the expressions of the Hubei comrades shifted. Some were filled with righteous indignation, some with helplessness, and some with a rapidly rising sense of defiance.

He Rui knew this wasn't just a Hubei problem; he had encountered similar reactions in every province. Productivity development is not only the fundamental driver of society, but also the source of its upheaval.

Sure enough, in his talk with the Hubei comrades, He Rui sensed the internal divide. China's industrialization had proceeded faster than they had imagined, especially the three-year pre-war recession, which had given the comrades a profound understanding of the "economic crisis" described by Marx and Engels.

During the crisis, central and local state-owned enterprises had struggled to survive, bearing a heavy burden for the nation. Meanwhile, the "black-hearted" private capitalists had looked only to their own interests, their methods of making money crossing every line—even to the point of shutting down and firing workers to save themselves.

The contrast had led to a large number of leftists appearing in Hubei and other rapidly industrializing provinces who believed capitalists should be "hanged from lamp posts."

With the full outbreak of World War II and China's liberation of vast colonies, the Chinese economy had exploded through trade and investment with the new nations. Investments that had seemed impossible to recoup during the crisis were suddenly running at full capacity and making a killing. Social capital began flowing into production in massive amounts, again making money from the booming productivity.

Some comrades labeled as "rightists," who hadn't dared to speak during the grim economic times, began weakly suggesting that state funds came from the people's taxes; given the risks of industrial investment, arbitrary state investment would only leave a mess. Social capital, they argued, was indeed a powerful supplement to China's economic development, providing necessary flexibility.

The gap between the left and right in Hubei was growing, as it was in industrial regions across the nation. This divide, along with other contradictions, had led to a kind of "angry talk" within the Party: once the war was won, a final reckoning must occur, perhaps even a life-and-death struggle.

Discussing these issues with a grand strategist and politician like Li Runshi, He Rui could speak freely, but the Hubei comrades were clearly unable to rise to that level. They weren't to be blamed for their lack of vision; they were the generation that graduated in the 20s and entered the workforce. For twenty years, their job had been to complete the tasks handed down by the Center. To win the world war that would decide China's place as the global economic core, these excellent comrades had lacked room for comprehensive development.

They lived in a state of being "Serious, Lively, United, and Tense"—the standard for an ideal team's working state.

United: members respect, help, and cooperate closely with one another toward a common goal.

Tense: work is methodical and well-paced, maintaining pressure and efficiency while being flexible to avoid burnout.

Serious: a professional attitude, adhering to rules and proper conduct, avoiding unprofessional behavior.

Lively: while remaining serious and professional, members maintain a relaxed, positive attitude in daily life and leisure, fostering creativity.

Under the pressure of pursuing this ideal state, the comrades' development had been incomplete. The greatest problem this caused was that they did not identify with other ways of life—ways that were often more mundane, perhaps lower-brow, or could be seen as "unambitious." Therefore, the true significance of this "Left-Right struggle" was far less than imagined.

He Rui knew he couldn't persuade them, because in a sense, he himself was the culprit. To increase China's war strength as quickly as possible, he had been forced to abandon comprehensive development and build an idealized organizational model first.

But he couldn't say that now. Instead, He Rui lowered the level of the question to one appropriate for a provincial department.

"Comrades, let us take Wuhan as an example. How do we want the potential 11 million people of Wuhan to live in this beautiful city? This is nothing more than food, clothing, housing, and transport. And with the first currency revolution complete and the second underway, the people—though still holding agricultural-society concepts—find their way of life inevitably monetized.

In an industrial society, making money is no longer an optional mode of production but the foundation of an industrialized way of life. In the Party School, we have repeatedly taught that the social wealth of an industrial nation is the industrialized way of life of its people, not just materials, goods, precious metals, or cash.

I've looked at the Hubei comrades' proposal; its starting point remains industrial production. While the content regarding improving the people's way of life isn't absent, it is clearly not the primary consideration.

Of course, I don't think there's anything wrong with your plan. For you have already reached the point of consciously recognizing industrial development and striving for it.

However, industrial development itself requires social consumption. And social consumption is not just about production and survival; a large part of it is *living*!

Through this world war, we have built economic cooperation with vast areas of Asia and Africa. For China, these regions are massive consumer and raw material markets. That is, by developing industry, you have achieved a boost in productivity, which will produce an ocean of goods. and those goods can, for a certain time, be absorbed by those markets.

So, who wants to tell me: once domestic profits are earned, what must we consider?"

No one dared to answer immediately. After a short silence, Jiang Ying of the Hubei Development and Reform Commission said loudly, "We must consider the allocation of those funds between continued investment and the people's consumption!"

He Rui had heard of Jiang Ying. "Jiang" was his surname, and "Ying" was the surname of the Qin royal house, the most famous member being Ying Zheng (Qin Shihuang). Jiang Ying was known for his intense personality; when complaining about problems—especially external ones—he loved to say "kill them all!"

Yet such comrades, the more they blustered, the more they tended to think about how to actually solve problems. After all, one couldn't become a deputy head of SASAC through bluntness alone; he had to pass screening.

At least now, Jiang Ying's statement was serious and earnest, if somewhat blunt.

No one had wanted to speak first, but now that Jiang Ying had stuck his neck out, everyone looked to He Rui for his reaction. He Rui nodded. "Our socialist state must practice thrift, and our policy of state land ownership ensures China is fully capable of realizing that.

We start from how we want people to live in the China of fifty years from now: a per-capita living space of 40 square meters, meaning a family living in a house of 177 to 200 square meters. Young people, in the transition after leaving home, would first live in smaller units like apartments. With such a matching line of thought, following the path of development, we can determine how to plan the city.

With such a mindset, we can then consider the planning of supporting facilities like work, education, fitness, and entertainment.

Comrades, until now, our national construction has revolved around production. In future development, industrial growth will remain one of our core tasks—but only one."