**Chapter 845: Aiding the Soviet Union (2)**

Being able to work with a crowd of Russian women—even if some were sturdy Soviet "matrons"—left Yun Taeda feeling full of spirit and drive.

The first day at the factory was spent familiarizing themselves with the site. On the second day, just as Yun was rolling up his sleeves to get to work, an order arrived from the headquarters: they were to construct continuous production lines for the Soviet bicycle factory.

In China and Korea, developing continuous production lines for mature products had gradually become the standard model. Without the ability for continuous production, costs could not be lowered. And "continuous production" didn't just mean adding a few conveyor belts; it required a vast array of supporting elements.

For example, a single bicycle chain consists of hundreds of parts. Relying on human labor, efficiency could never scale. Therefore, manufacturing chains required machines for continuous processing, with humans responsible only for what the machines could not do.

Yun Taeda couldn't fully comprehend the technical details of continuous production, but fortunately, as a Level 3 Technician, he wasn't responsible for that level of planning. The headquarters simply informed the first wave of personnel that the company's engineers and senior technicians were on their way by plane. Although the equipment would take time to arrive, it wouldn't be long. For now, Yun and his colleagues were to work alongside the Soviet laborers to get used to the environment and understand the techniques the Soviets already mastered.

After the meeting, Yun finally understood his purpose there and quickly joined the others in the workshops.

It wasn't just the bicycle factory; according to the agreed-upon aid terms between China and the USSR, large numbers of Chinese experts, engineers, and technicians were arriving in batches by plane. Their tasks included helping build production lines and factories, as well as assisting Soviet enterprises in upgrading their existing methods.

The CPSU was very grateful for Chinese aid, but they weren't prepared to let Soviet industry fully adopt Chinese models and standards. There were many reasons for this, one of the more trivial being a lingering, century-long dependence on Western technology that had fostered a mysterious trust in European and American standards.

The primary reason, however, was that the Soviet Union was a great power. Such a nation could never accept its industry being controlled by a foreign power. Even if Chinese technology was superior, it had to be grafted onto the Soviet Union's own industrial system. It could not be the other way around—letting the Soviet industrial system become a dependency of China's scientific and technical apparatus.

Regarding this, many within the He Rui government and the top tiers of the Civilization Party expressed dissatisfaction and complained. But it was mere complaining; in truth, they identified with the Soviet attitude and believed that China's own technological development had to follow such a path.

He Rui himself cared even less. The Soviets had always been this way, and this attitude was beneficial to both them and China. Even if China couldn't control the USSR through technology, it meant the West couldn't either. China's expectation for the Soviet Union was for it to be a resource supplier and a market for Chinese goods. As for internal Soviet changes, there was no need for China to interfere. Moreover, this vast country did not block East-West trade; perched upon the frozen plains, it served as a continuous source of various experiences for China.

The upper members of the Civilization Party had not experienced the history He Rui knew, and they were skeptical that the USSR would remain compliant forever. However, China was also a great power, and one stronger than the Soviet Union. For China, security did not depend on the attitudes of other nations, but on its own strength. As long as China remained powerful, nothing would be a problem.

Li Runshi was among the few in the leadership who truly looked forward to the experience the USSR could bring to China. When chatting with He Rui about it, Li even made a joke: "Chairman, I see you even sent Stalin a special little gift."

He Rui knew Li was referring to the half-track motorcycles and laughed. "Heh, I'm a man of science and engineering myself; I can't help but have these odd impulses. I didn't just prepare a gift for Stalin; I also want to introduce cheetahs to Australia to see if they can improve the ecosystem there."

Li was always willing to speak more directly when facing He Rui. "Chairman, I think your views on predators are indeed unique. You not only set aside nature reserves to protect tigers and leopards but want to introduce cheetahs to Australia. I've read about them; they're called 'small felines'—isn't that underestimating them?"

Seeing that Li didn't understand, He Rui only smiled and said nothing more. Li watched He Rui's reaction with interest, trying to analyze his personality. He Rui was different from others; while most people inevitably worried about their legacy and reputation, this common human trait seemed completely absent in him. Before Wu Youping fell ill, Li had spoken with him about He Rui. Cheng Ruofan believed that He Rui had already won even before seeing the results of his actions. He Rui had no time to watch the outcomes, giving an impression of complete nonchalance.

The view of Cheng Ruofan, often seen as He Rui's favorite, was from another angle: "In this world where even nonentities can become famous, a hero like the Chairman won't lower himself to their level."

Li sensed the methodologies of these two men in their views of He Rui, yet felt he hadn't quite touched He Rui's true heart through them. Seeing He Rui in a good mood today, Li asked bluntly, "Chairman, what do you believe is the foundation of life?"

He Rui hadn't expected such a personal question and didn't initially want to answer. But Wu Youping's collapse had struck him deeply. He worried that once he too was gone, the nation's policies could not be maintained. Currently, there were as many nationalists in the party as one could want, but the proportion of true communists was truly not high. Cheng Ruofan was indeed idealistic, but he was a far cry from a politician. If Cheng were given power, he'd be toyed with by the bureaucrats in no time.

So, He Rui answered Li's question: "Personally, I believe the foundation of life is to have a clear conscience (wen xin wu kui). My knowledge is limited; I don't know what the future holds. Therefore, I can only ensure that I have no ill intent and that I am striving for human civilization. If I can have a clear conscience in everything, then I feel I have done right by myself."

Li still didn't know He Rui's true heart, but he agreed with his view. Just as Li was about to raise the next issue, He Rui continued: "Comrade Runshi, I believe you have always held that workers, peasants, and soldiers should be the masters of the nation. I wonder if such a sentimental and broad description matches your feelings?"

This made Li feel comfortable, for He Rui was right. Although Li already understood that the simultaneous optimization of efficiency and fairness was unattainable, he still insisted that the common people were the masters of the country.

Seeing Li nod, He Rui said, "I know many comrades are preparing for a settling of accounts at home after victory in this war. I believe your philosophical logic, methodology, and ability to seek truth from facts are what's needed to lead the nation through the coming turmoil. Productivity growth doesn't bring social stability; it brings more turmoil. This change is both the driver of a nation's strength and the source of its disorder.

Currently, many comrades think they can engineer a final struggle to decide between good and evil once and for all. I say that's absolute nonsense. People should read history when they have time; before the First World War, the worthless leaders of European nations all thought that way. They even coined a phrase: 'the war to end all wars.' If you ask me, those people should all be cast into iron statues and made to kneel before Marshal Foch's grave."

Li wanted to laugh but had no heart for it, only replying, "Chairman, your health is fine."

"I certainly hope I still have time to knock some sense into these fellows, but at my age I'm entering the stage where I could die at any moment. Comrade Runshi, when you formulate policies in the future, you must clearly consider what the true cost is, and you must include 'sunset clauses.' The future China will be very wealthy—wealthier than now. It is precisely at such times, when money seemingly isn't a concern, that you must be extra careful to understand the costs. Every policy you make will surely be utilized to its maximum extent, and before long, it will drift far from its original intent. By then, all vested interests will oppose changing the policy. All your efforts will be condemned by everyone."

At this, He Rui couldn't help but sigh. "Runshi, you surely know some people have nicknamed Youping 'Wu Song' [after the historical official known for his sternness and the nickname of a famous traitorous official], don't you?"

Li gave a bitter smile and nodded.

He Rui felt a pang of sadness. "The comrades took the heat for me; I'm the one who should have been scolded, yet it's them who are. If it's like this now, it will only become more intense later."

As Li was about to nod, He Rui's eyes lit up and he added, "By the way, 'Socialist Giant Babies' will inevitably appear. In large numbers, too. You must be careful."

"Socialist Giant Babies?" Li was taken aback.

"If they are protected too well, a portion of the people will be adults physiologically but not psychologically. They'll feel everything is their due. Furthermore, some 'exquisite individualists' will pretend to be giant babies to stir the pot. It will become a state of 'whoever makes the most noise is right,' and 'whoever's voice is loudest is right.'"

Li reflected and soon replied, "Isn't that just a problem of insufficient social management? If 'governance by tantrum' appears, it proves the executive's law enforcement has failed."

He Rui was satisfied with the sharp analysis and emphasized: "Exactly. So this will happen at a stage when society seemingly has peace and good development. At that stage, the executive hasn't yet been able to fully implement surveillance cameras and popularize the rule of law.

Look, the most powerful industrial nations in this world are, without exception, giants of the rule of law. What is the reason?"

To this question that would make many high-level officials frown, Li gave the answer immediately: "Because the amount of wealth involved far exceeds that of the past."

"That is the reason. So you must never use a state distribution model to solve this conflict; that will only lead to greater unfairness. People grow through various forms of 'gaming'; the early stages of this game will see all sorts of problems that look like moral decay, but as the game continues, honesty and trustworthiness will eventually highlight their true value. At that point, you need the rule of law to maintain social order. And the rule of law especially needs sunset clauses.

Of course, if you don't support a bunch of organizations, people will say: how can a socialist country have unemployment! Comrade Runshi, such problems will be a very heavy and serious challenge for you."

Li's thinking fully kept pace with He Rui's. He gave a bitter smile. "Isn't this also a challenge for the Chairman?"

"It's a challenge for me too. But I likely won't live to that stage; these people can't exactly drag me out of my grave and resurrect me to demand solutions. If they truly possessed such power, I'd have to be impressed."

"Resurrecting the dead... heh." Li managed a bitter laugh. After a moment, he composed himself and asked, "Why is the Chairman so pessimistic about the future?"

"I'm not pessimistic; I just think about how you will inevitably face these things, and I feel for you, so I can't help but say a few more words. And personally, I don't like abandoning the people. Toward those individuals, I feel more grief than anything." He Rui reached for a cigarette but instead picked up his glass and took a sip of water.

Li had noticed that since Wu Youping fell ill, He Rui had suddenly cut back on smoking. It was clear He Rui didn't want to collapse before winning the war. As for the problems He Rui raised, Li wasn't too concerned. Those people didn't just exist in the future; there were plenty now. Li wasn't worried about them; they belonged to "contradictions among the people," and those contradictions shouldn't be seen as a single level but divided into many.

Trusting the people was Li's foundation; he believed the people would surely see the backwardness of such individuals and struggle against them. So He Rui's problems seemingly weren't problems at all.

To lighten the mood, Li asked, "Chairman, that little gift you sent Stalin—why don't we use it in our own army?"

He Rui sensed Li's intention and dropped the future troubles for a lighter topic. "Because half-tracks are suited for vast muddy regions, which only the Soviet Union has. Even if they exist elsewhere, the area is tiny. There's no need to manufacture specialized equipment. Even in the USSR, the most suitable use for half-tracks is limited to the autumn and spring in the West. That's why it's called a 'little gift' for Stalin."

"...Isn't autumn almost here?" Li caught the point.

"Yes," He Rui nodded.

"Why send 20,000 to the Soviets? Wouldn't it be better to help them build some production lines?"

"A wild boar cannot eat fine grain; the Soviets can't handle delicate work. To save space, those vehicles have a low profile and use an overlapping, interleaved road wheel structure. If they were produced there, the Soviets wouldn't have enough maintenance personnel for effective battlefield repair. That's why it's a gift, not a tool.

You've seen the latest intelligence; Zhukov's operational plan is very reasonable. What the USSR needs now is to hold out until autumn and let the muddy roads delay the German offensive. In the winter counter-offensive, the Soviets will surely push the Germans back. The next time suitable for major operations after next spring will be after April. It's now August; there are eight months left. While eight months isn't enough to train a truly excellent army, the Red Army still possesses a massive advantage in numbers and equipment. Even if they can't defeat Germany next year, they will by the year after at the latest.

A half-track isn't enough to decide the outcome. It's called a gift simply to give the struggling Red Army a little surprise."

Li, from a very young age, had never considered matters from the perspective of minor battlefield gains and losses. He could naturally hear that when He Rui spoke of a "little gift," he was actually speaking of his strategic judgment of the Soviet-German war. So Li continued to probe: "Does the Chairman want to use these gadgets to make the Soviet people feel Chinese technology is very advanced?"

"Exactly. It's not out of war considerations, but to lay the groundwork so the Soviet people will trust Chinese goods more in the future. The Soviet Union is and will be a very important market for China. You see how many merchants give out small, worthless gifts for promotion? I'm using the same little trick."

Li couldn't help but smile again. Many of He Rui's actions looked like a merchant's, yet his starting point was always a higher level of strategic consideration. China was growing more confident as it fought precisely because it had gained an unprecedentedly vast market; the people's standard of living hadn't slipped because of the war but had improved day by day. If China had supported the war with only its domestic market, the situation would be completely different. While people wouldn't have starved, the state would have had to prioritize all resources for the war. Back then, forget eating meat regularly; the state's best efforts would have been just to keep everyone from going hungry.

The reality before him reminded Li of Wu Youping's assessment of the war: "Before it even began, we had already won."

As described in *The Art of War*: "Therefore the victorious army is victorious first and then seeks battle; the defeated army seeks battle first and then seeks victory. One who is skilled in war cultivates the Way and preserves the Law, thus becoming the master of victory and defeat."

A line from *Strategies of the Warring States* described the He Rui government's behavior from an even higher level: "This is what is called being victorious in the court!"

Li switched to another question: "Chairman, do we still need to continue maneuvering the US forces in the South Pacific?"

"Yes. We must continue to maneuver them and exhaust their strength. I think Roosevelt likely won't negotiate with us until the US forces in the South Pacific are annihilated. But I inevitably have some luck in my heart, thinking he might negotiate.

As you said, we hold the initiative at this stage. Whether the US is tightening its West Coast defenses, accelerating equipment production, or desperately trying to save its South Pacific forces, it is all continuously exhausting America's national power.

Comrade Runshi, if you could directly guide a propaganda offensive, I think spreading news in America that the former Confederacy is preparing for independence would be very interesting."

"Interesting...?" Li sighed. He didn't find it interesting, only that He Rui was ruthless to a chilling degree when facing an enemy. Even though seventy years had passed since the American Civil War, the contradictions between North and South remained and had not been fully healed. If China could utilize the current situation for information and psychological warfare, the internal split in the US would rapidly intensify.

With news of constant major defeats at the front reaching America, it's entirely possible the South might start by refusing military service. The federal government naturally couldn't sit idly by, especially with the West Coast under such threat, requiring a massive troop levy...

"Comrade Runshi, start with the federal government using the war to destroy state rights," He Rui shared his view.

Li nodded in deep agreement. Inciting conflict between the federal government and the states didn't need to start with the Civil War itself. The split caused by that war was not the core contradiction in America today. The real issue lay in the states' fear of their powers being further eroded by the feds.

He Rui continued: "Creating chaos is very easy. For example, some Western states have blood feuds with Southern ones. Spread rumors in America that certain states resolutely oppose soldiers from other specific states entering their territory, the reason being that they view them as liars, thieves, and robbers. Don't mention the Civil War hatred. Let it ferment within the US on its own.

Also, since the US is conscripting Black people on a large scale and forming Black units, claim in the Southern states that the Black regiments are coming back—and coming back as organized units. Didn't a new movie called *Gone with the Wind* just come out? Say those Black units watched it several times before they left."

"Haha!" Li laughed out loud. During his time as Minister of Propaganda, Li had fought against all sorts of ill-intentioned characters and accumulated rich experience. And from those experiences, he had sensed a deeper methodology.

What He Rui said sounded "interesting," but it all adhered to a single methodology: using these interesting tidbits to trigger the internal emotions of Americans, letting the existing underlying content ferment. Once emotions ferment, they lead to all sorts of irrational behavior.

Irrational behavior, in Washington's eyes, often takes a different appearance. And if those emotions are strong enough, politicians and local powers will naturally use that "public opinion" to bargain with the federal government. The Roosevelt administration might well view this as betrayal.

Once such a chain of suspicion forms, the administration's response might not be a gentle one. As long as internal and external pressures are great enough, many things are bound to explode. Even if they don't, it gives China more opportunities to exploit.

It's the same for America, and the same for China. If He Rui were to die now, major events would occur within China, giving America an opportunity. Great powers are indeed powerful, but they are also unexpectedly fragile.