**Chapter 814: Empire's Survival (2)**

"Minister, the British Ambassador has invited you for dinner."

Hearing the secretary's words, Ribbentrop's brow furrowed, then quickly smoothed out. Britain was undoubtedly the most formidable "shit-stirrer" in the world. When it came to mucking up relations between nations, if Britain, the world hegemon, claimed second place, no other country would dare claim first.

"Tell the British Ambassador I will attend," Ribbentrop said. He then stood up to call a hotel owner he knew well, asking him to prepare a bottle of single-malt whisky.

Two hours later, the aroma of single-malt whisky lingered over the restaurant table. The British Ambassador took a sip and couldn't help but praise, "Excellent whisky."

Ribbentrop had been a wine merchant for several years and was well-versed in fine spirits. He showed no reaction to the Ambassador's praise and simply continued eating. Since the Anglo-German peace, Germany had restored its foreign trade. The butter on the table was no longer artificial margarine, but genuine butter from Argentina. Argentina now had very good relations with Germany; German businessmen had set up butter production plants there, finally allowing Germans to eat food fit for human consumption.

Seeing Ribbentrop remain silent, the British Ambassador went straight to the point. "Mr. Minister, the Soviet Union is becoming increasingly dangerous." Having said this, he watched Ribbentrop's expression, trying to discern something.

Ribbentrop merely gave a slight nod and continued eating. Since the British Ambassador had initiated the invitation, it was up to him to speak his mind. Sure enough, seeing that Ribbentrop still hadn't responded, the Ambassador pushed a file folder toward him. "According to our intelligence agency's reports, the Soviet Union intends to invade Iran."

Hearing "Iran," Ribbentrop finally stopped eating. He wiped his mouth with a napkin, but instead of looking at the documents, he replied directly: "Iran has already passed intelligence to us; they indeed feel the pressure from the Soviet Union. However, the Iranian government also stated they are very concerned about Britain's refusal to withdraw from Iranian territory."

"It's not that our country is unwilling, but rather that our transport capacity in the Middle East is limited; we cannot quickly transport hundreds of thousands of troops to Egypt," the British Ambassador replied.

Ribbentrop didn't believe for a second that Britain intended to move its troops to Egypt. If Britain retreated to Egypt, it would mean giving up the Middle East and preparing to hold the Suez Canal to the death. China's Ministry of Land and Resources had long been developing oil in Saudi Arabia alongside the American Rockefeller syndicate and had successfully found massive oil fields. Once China occupied the entire Persian Gulf, it could transport Middle Eastern oil back to China at will, completely resolving China's oil shortage.

With this in mind, Ribbentrop said bluntly, "Doing so will incur the wrath of the Americans."

The British Ambassador's orders were to heighten the animosity between the Soviet Union and Germany as much as possible. The British Foreign Office now had a new view: let the Great Powers fight each other. The war between China and the US had already helped Britain gain American support. Without the support of the US South Pacific Command, Australia and New Zealand would surely have been lost.

At this stage, the British Foreign Office didn't doubt at all that Germany desperately wanted to get on China's "boat." The only reason Germany had joined the Allied Powers was because it was forced there by China's hostility. Now that Britain had suffered a heavy blow, Germany would surely have its own plans. Rather than let Germany consider how to deal with Britain, it was better to have the Soviets and Germans fight each other.

Once a Soviet-German war broke out, all the Great Powers would be embroiled in conflict. Even if Britain's strength had suffered, if the other powers suffered heavy losses in their mutual slaughter, Britain might still maintain its relative position.

Seeing Ribbentrop starting to discuss it, the British Ambassador replied: "Britain has already lost over sixty submarines in the Indian Ocean, and the shipping lanes from Britain to the Persian Gulf are being harassed by Chinese submarines, making them nearly impassable. At this stage, Britain must send its troops to Egypt as quickly as possible for reorganization. The United States will surely understand Britain's difficulties. If the Minister can convince the Führer to send troops to fight in the Middle East, Britain will fully support Germany in fulfilling its obligations as an ally."

Ribbentrop was a bit tempted by the idea of German troops going to the Middle East. But he quickly suppressed the impulse, as it was impossible for Germany to send a large force to the Middle East to fight to the death with China. If they only went to help Britain against the Chinese army, Germany would never get any of the Middle Eastern oil.

With this thought, Ribbentrop asked again: "Can Britain be certain that the Soviet Union is preparing to invade Iran?"

"If the Minister doesn't believe it, he can wait for news from the German Ambassador to Iran. If the Soviet Union invades, the Ambassador will surely send a telegram to Berlin," the British Ambassador said, then began to eat and drink.

Ribbentrop had time to think, so he considered the possibility of a Soviet invasion of Iran. Although the German expert delegation attending the Singapore Conference kept sending back news that the Chinese government was explaining its concept of a New Order to experts from around the world and promising that this was China's aim in starting the war, most of the German elite did not believe China would truly establish a world order against the "Four Great Mountains." Ribbentrop was among the few high-ranking Germans willing to believe He Rui, though he was reluctant to voice his opinion.

The New Order China wanted to build was an anti-aggression order. To this day, China had never recognized the legality of the Soviet Union's possession of eastern Poland and the three Baltic states. The Soviet Union's annexation of these regions was part of the secret Soviet-German pact—the result of the nighttime bargaining between Ribbentrop and Molotov. Germany could hardly mock China for this.

But Germany not only opposed the Soviet Union's annexation of Iran, it also opposed China's. The Pahlavi government in Iran, in order to boost morale and forge a consensus, had been promoting the glory of the Persian people. Nazi Germany's racial ideology held that the Aryans in Germany were the highest race. Iran believed that Persians were of the Aryan race, and since the Iranian government had always pursued complete independence, it had very good relations with Nazi Germany. Naturally, Germany didn't want Iran to be controlled by another country.

Thinking of this, Ribbentrop believed Germany could use this situation to its advantage. He asked: "Mr. Ambassador, I hope Britain can exchange intelligence regarding the protection of Iranian sovereignty from infringement."

The British Ambassador hadn't expected Ribbentrop to state his position so quickly. He hurriedly swallowed the beef in his mouth, wiped his lips, and replied: "What kind of cooperation does the Minister have in mind?"

Early the next morning, Ribbentrop, sporting dark circles under his eyes from an all-nighter, sought an audience with Hitler. Fortunately, Hitler admired the Spartan lifestyle and, since Germany was currently at peace, woke up very early. By 6:30 AM, the two were in the Chancellery office.

Hitler finished reading the plan Ribbentrop had put together overnight, his eyes narrowing thoughtfully. After a moment's reflection, Hitler asked: "Ribbentrop, do you think we can communicate with Chinese officials through this Iranian channel?"

"My Führer, since China claims to want to liberate nations from colonialism, Iran, as an independent state, should not be subject to Chinese invasion. Furthermore, the advisory group we sent consists of foreign personnel hired by the Iranian government at their invitation, not personnel under German command. As long as the Iranian government follows our advice in diplomatic communication with China, from the perspective of international law, Iran is not China's enemy."

Ribbentrop finished his explanation and looked at Hitler. He saw Hitler continue to reflect. Ribbentrop hadn't slept all night and felt his legs going weak. Just as he was trying to stand straight, he heard Hitler say: "Ribbentrop, sit down."

After thanking Hitler, Ribbentrop sat bolt upright on the sofa. After a moment, he heard Hitler ask: "In your plan, Germany is to issue a formal diplomatic statement to the Soviet Union, expressing deep concern over a possible invasion of Iran. Do you think this will provoke the Soviet Union?"

Ribbentrop then elaborated on his thinking to Hitler. "My Führer, if the Soviet Union takes the initiative to attack Germany, it will completely spark the anger of Germany and its allies against the Soviet Union..."

Hitler listened intently. He had also considered the possibility of the Soviet Union taking the initiative to attack Germany, but he believed it would only happen after a compromise was reached between China and the US. Although the Soviet Union had heavy troop concentrations on the border, Hitler believed the Soviets wouldn't attack as long as the German army hadn't suffered any losses.

Ribbentrop's suggestion pointed out a possibility: by striking at the Soviet Union's confidence, they could trigger Soviet action. If the Soviet army initiated a conflict with the Wehrmacht, it would provide Hitler with a perfect pretext.

Once Ribbentrop finished explaining his logic, Hitler quickly made a decision. "You may proceed with this."

Returning to his office, it was only 8:00 AM, and the Foreign Ministry staff had just arrived. Without immediately calling a meeting, Ribbentrop first opened a secret compartment in his drawer and took out a small bottle of Pervitin, swallowing two pills. Although Germany strictly prohibited drugs like heroin and morphine, stimulants like Pervitin (methamphetamine) were legally sold. During the Western European campaign, the German army had relied on the stimulating effects of Pervitin to fight for days on end without sleep, crushing the French army.

Soon, his fatigue vanished, and Ribbentrop felt invigorated. Gathering the Foreign Ministry staff, he began assigning tasks. At 6:00 PM Berlin time on April 19th, Ribbentrop summoned the Soviet Ambassador to Germany and formally announced Germany's serious concern for Iranian territorial integrity.

By 8:00 PM, Molotov had received the news. He had just finished a banquet hosted for Chinese Foreign Minister Li Shiguang. China was a great power, and its diplomatic delegates didn't care much for alcohol, so the Soviets didn't dare press them to drink. Molotov was very clear-headed. He was reflecting on China's suggestion for Soviet-German peace, finding it somewhat strange.

His thoughts were interrupted by his secretary, and after reading the telegram transcript, he felt a sense of sudden enlightenment. But this feeling didn't last long, as a new suspicion arose in his heart. Why was China able to anticipate Germany's actions? Was it the result of He Rui's brilliant diplomatic intuition, or did China actually have intelligence sources within Germany?

But these questions weren't the most important ones. Molotov immediately dialed the Kremlin. Stalin was still awake, and Molotov reported the latest intelligence to him over the phone.

Stalin's initial reaction was similar to Molotov's; he also suspected the Chinese side knew something, which was why they had specifically come to propose a suggestion to the Soviet Union. But there was no way to be certain unless China voluntarily disclosed its sources, and Moscow couldn't proactively ask about such things.

With this in mind, Stalin had his secretary bring the telegram while he looked through the report on Li Shiguang's visit.

The content of the report was consistent with what Tukhachevsky and Zhukov had reported: China advised the Soviet Union to watch for a potential German surprise attack. Given that the current German army possessed the capability for sustained offensives within a 300-kilometer range, the Chinese General Staff believed that the Soviet Union's concentration of heavy forces on the border would be easily subject to a surprise strike.

As for China's suggestion of a tiered defense at the border with the main force in the rear, to launch an armored counterattack after the German offensive was exhausted—that was the Chinese response after the two Soviet military leaders had asked what China considered a reasonable operational arrangement. Although the answer had been prepared in advance, the Chinese delivery was quite friendly, not at all condescending or aggressive.

After reading the report, Stalin confirmed once more that He Rui was indeed a man who loved war. This plan was built on the premise that war was inevitable, and it was a direct confrontation between German and Soviet forces while both were still intact. In the wars He Rui had launched over the past thirty years—against Japan in the Northeast, the Sino-British war, and now World War II—China had never waited for the enemy to be weakened before attacking, but instead fought openly against enemies at their peak.

The Soviet Union wouldn't do that. Since the Tsarist era, the Russians were happy to fight the weak but would not challenge the strong. From the traditional Russian perspective, He Rui's actions all proved his love for war and his readiness to launch it.

The telegram had arrived, and after reading it, Stalin decided not to call a Politburo meeting or summon Molotov immediately. There were indeed Politburo members who favored invading Iran, but this view hadn't even gained enough support to be discussed in a formal meeting. The Central Committee knew well that this was not the time to compete with China for spheres of influence. Furthermore, China had already issued a statement that it would never invade Iran.

Although that statement said China would not allow the Allies to use Iranian territory as a springboard for an attack on China, issuing such a statement was already very different from the colonialists, who would attack first and state their case later. To Stalin, the statement even seemed to be helping Iran in a way, giving them a reason to drive the British out as soon as possible.

Persia was an ancient country with its own civilization and a considerable level of awareness. If Britain truly refused to leave, the Iranian government might very well join forces with China to drive them out, then find ways to secure Persian interests from China or even achieve complete independence.

Having thought this through, Stalin decided not to sleep. He had his secretary invite Commissioner Kirov. Kirov had just returned from an inspection in Ukraine. Upon hearing the summons, Kirov, who was also still awake, immediately took a car to the Kremlin.

In recent years, the Ukrainian region had suffered severe natural disasters, and resistance to collective farms remained strong. Although the Central Committee had gradually gained the compliance of Ukrainian peasants at a low cost by using a large amount of light industrial goods imported from China and offering various rewards based on grain delivery—turning severe opposition into ordinary opposition—Stalin's impression of the Ukrainian peasants remained terrible.

Kirov believed that domestic workers and peasants must unite, so he frequently visited Ukraine for inspections and to direct work. Kirov knew well that if anyone else had done this, Stalin would have kicked them out of the Politburo long ago. On the way to the Kremlin, Kirov was prepared to be scolded.

But his fears were not realized. After Kirov reported on the recent situation in Ukraine and Belarus, Stalin's expression was quite relaxed. Lighting a pipe, Stalin cursed with a smile, "Those kulaks only know how to exploit loopholes in state policy!"

While it was still a curse, compared to Stalin's views ten years ago, these words were like a warm spring breeze. Back then, Stalin had denounced the Ukrainian peasants as counter-revolutionaries who could only be forced to hand over grain at the point of a bayonet!

When Stalin inspected the West last year, he saw that the state's planning for agricultural zones had been implemented. Neatly planned fields, trains racing along new railways—although the frost-thaw roads in the permafrost were still uneven, large trucks were constantly shuttling back and forth, transporting large quantities of grain and materials that required short-distance transport.

The influx of a large amount of cheap Chinese light industrial goods—or at least, the imported Chinese goods were much cheaper than those produced within the Soviet Union—allowed the governments of the Ukrainian and Belarusian SSRs to stimulate the peasants' enthusiasm to sell grain to the state at a low cost.

With an adequate supply of grain and a large amount of Soviet industrial investment, the core cities in the Western Soviet Union developed extremely rapidly. Kiev, the capital of Ukraine; Minsk, the capital of Belarus; and Leningrad (Saint Petersburg), the most important city in Western Russia, were even more prosperous than Moscow.

Stalin had never wanted to massacre the Soviet people; what he wanted was to turn the Soviet Union into a powerful industrial nation as quickly as possible. Since the goal was being realized, Stalin had no intention of using violence against those "cunning" Ukrainian kulaks.

Discussing work with Kirov, the time soon reached late at night. As before, Stalin gave up his bed in the office to Kirov and spread a mattress on the sofa for himself.

Stalin pulled a woolen blanket bought from China over his legs. While smoking his pipe, he asked about the changes in the industrial zone of Eastern Ukraine after the factory relocation. Kirov didn't lie down on the bed; he sat on the sofa opposite Stalin, describing the impact of the relocation.

"General Secretary, the relocated factories and workers haven't affected production in the Western region. On the contrary, because there are more new factories and new jobs, more industrial population has appeared in Eastern Ukraine. Moreover, these people come from the countryside, which has further promoted the collectivization process in rural areas. With traditional farming methods, there aren't enough peasants to till the land, so various collective farms have funded the purchase of agricultural machinery; the cultivated area hasn't been affected. Furthermore, the new types of pesticides produced by pesticide factories introduced from China have indeed effectively controlled pests and crop viruses. It's just that the peasants in Ukraine are very reckless when using pesticides, and there are many problems with excessive use."

Hearing that the Ukrainian peasants were being disobedient again, Stalin's face immediately darkened. But this time he didn't lose his temper; he just took a few puffs of smoke before saying unpleasantly, "How is Comrade Korchagin working?"

"...Comrade Korchagin has passed away," Kirov replied with some regret.

Stalin hadn't expected the "little soldier" of the 1st Cavalry Division, who dared to write to him about the specific situation in Ukraine, to have passed away. He felt a bit regretful and didn't mention the issue again.

Then Stalin switched the conversation to relations with Germany. "Kirov, the German Foreign Ministry just issued a serious concern to our Ambassador in Germany, asking if we will violate Iran's sovereignty."

Kirov was stunned. Discussions within the CPSU about joining the war were increasing, but hearing Stalin's words, Kirov felt as if war had moved one step closer.

"General Secretary, is Germany expressing concern, or is it preparing to take some action?" Kirov asked.