High above Tokyo, gazing down at the dense clusters of buildings through the porthole, Yamamoto's lingering hesitation dissipated completely. Since the success of the Japanese Revolution, Japan had integrated into the Asian Economic Community over the past decade, resulting in rapid economic development. If Japan wished to continue this development, standing aloof was impossible. Regardless of the price, Japan had to shoulder its responsibilities.

With a resolve to either succeed or die trying, Allied Naval Commander Yamamoto asked immediately upon seeing Japanese Naval Commander Yamaguchi Tamon, "Yamaguchi-kun, are you ready?"

Yamaguchi looked calm. "Yamamoto-kun, I can lead the fleet out at any time."

Just as they exchanged a sentence, an adjutant ran in to report, "Prime Minister Ishiwara has arrived outside."

Moments later, footsteps approached, and Ishiwara Kanji walked briskly into the naval headquarters. Seeing the two salute, Ishiwara stepped forward to shake their hands, then immediately said, "I heard He-kun has already ordered the abolition of the agricultural tax in China starting from 1942. The Japanese public is waiting with bated breath, waiting for us to abolish the agricultural tax as well!"

Yamaguchi had not read a newspaper recently and was slightly surprised by the news. "Prime Minister, why is He-kun cancelling the agricultural tax? Is China's treasury so overflowing with money that they can't spend it all?"

Knowing Yamaguchi Tamon's level of economic understanding, Ishiwara had to explain, "He-kun isn't cancelling the agricultural tax because there's too much money, but because he believes China no longer needs forced grain requisition. Southeast Asian countries, Burma, and India are all grain exporters. The bulk grain needed by Chinese cities can be maintained through imports. After the Chinese rural population no longer has to pay the 30% agricultural tax, their consumption power will also increase rapidly."

Yamaguchi was an expert in naval matters but a layman in economics. His understanding of national economics was limited to the concept that increased consumption power led to economic prosperity. As for *how* to increase consumption power, Yamaguchi neither knew nor cared to know.

Hearing that Ishiwara was still talking about consumption power, Yamaguchi listened without a word. Yamamoto knew Yamaguchi had little interest, so he remained silent as well. When facing members of the Diet, Prime Minister Ishiwara would talk endlessly about economics, but facing Yamaguchi, who didn't understand real economics and politics, he didn't say much. After covering the basic points, Ishiwara gave the bottom line: "Yamaguchi-kun, if we win, Japan will also cancel the agricultural tax for three years!"

Yamaguchi, who could name almost every active Japanese naval officer, immediately perked up. If the Japanese government stopped collecting the 30% agricultural tax, the families of naval officers and men could go from merely not starving to eating their fill. Yamaguchi bowed sharply and answered decisively, "Prime Minister, I will definitely win this battle!"

Yamamoto sighed inwardly but said nothing. More than a decade ago, on a snowy night in Tokyo, Ishiwara had killed the Emperor's entire family. For the next two or three years, a vast number of Japanese citizens regarded Ishiwara's actions as "regicide." But three years later, when ordinary Japanese families could eat cheap rice, the common view of Ishiwara shifted to: "Although Ishiwara committed regicide, he truly saved Japan."

By now, starvation had vanished from Japan. Life was passable for the people. Not only did no one mention the "regicide," but the Future Society led by Ishiwara won every election with a landslide. If Ishiwara abolished Japan's agricultural tax, his prestige would rise even further.

Although Yamamoto was one of those whose interests had been damaged during the Japanese Revolution, and he had his own views on Ishiwara, up to this point, he believed there were no issues with the strategy Ishiwara had formulated for Japan. There were also no particular problems with policy formulation and execution; the lives of the Japanese people were truly getting better day by day. Even if Yamamoto had suffered personal losses, he believed the Japanese people had truly been saved, and his own losses had real value.

Ishiwara felt no such sentimentality. Seeing Yamaguchi so confident, he asked for Yamaguchi's views on the campaign. Yamaguchi immediately pulled over a map, pointing to Wake Island and the Marshall Islands to its south. "Prime Minister, seizing Wake Island will facilitate the battle for the Marshall Islands. In the intelligence I received..."

Yamaguchi's finger pointed to the Solomon Islands north of Australia. "The US Navy is struggling to maintain its defenses in the Solomon Islands. If they lose the Solomons, the supply line between Australia and the United States will be completely threatened. In the great naval battle of the Marshall Islands a few days ago, Yamamoto-kun commanded the Chinese carrier fleet and inflicted heavy damage on the US carrier fleet, forcing six US carriers to return to the distant West Coast for repairs, unable to join combat in the short term."

After speaking, Yamaguchi's finger pointed back to Wake Island. "Now, our forces will depart from Guam and first attack Wake Island, which is less than 1,000 kilometers from Guam. Wake Island is 1,800 kilometers from Midway, making it impossible for it to receive air support from US forces at Midway. Currently, over 1,000 fighter jets are stationed on Guam. Our carriers, supported by land-based aviation from Guam, can engage any number of US carrier fleets near Wake Island and defeat them..."

Ishiwara was a strategist at heart, favoring fighting with superior numbers and engaging from close range. Moreover, as an Army officer who attended the academy before World War I, he had long believed that air power should play a greater role, so he strongly agreed with Yamaguchi's plan.

Yamamoto had long known Yamaguchi's plan. His real worry was that Yamaguchi, a carrier fanatic, might get hot-headed and start a decisive carrier battle with the US Navy near Midway. So Yamamoto listened quietly, waiting for Yamaguchi to explain how he would attack Midway.

After Yamaguchi finished explaining how to take Wake Island, he pointed to the campaign's ultimate objective: Midway. "Prime Minister, the space available on Wake Island is limited; it can accommodate at most four fighter wings. The task of these four wings is to provide continuous escort. The naval battle between our forces and the US military will be a coordinated operation between land-based aviation and aircraft carriers. It must absolutely not be a unilateral battle between carriers and the US Pacific Fleet from Hawaii. I also hope the Chinese fleet will push forward with full force when we launch our attack, fighting for every island to pin down the US forces and keep them on the run!"

Hearing that Yamaguchi didn't intend to force a brute-force confrontation, Yamamoto relaxed. Although he commanded the Allied Navy, he was effectively commanding the Chinese Navy. He Rui had shown immense magnanimity in letting Yamamoto, a Japanese man, command the Chinese Navy which bore the brunt of the most critical fighting, and in doing so, had gained enormous political capital.

Japanese society couldn't change its petty nature. Although they admitted the Japanese Navy was stronger than the Chinese Navy when discussing them, when war actually came, Japanese society remembered that the current Chinese Navy was much larger than Japan's, and generally worried that He Rui would make the Japanese Navy shoulder the heaviest tasks.

The war had gone on until now, and Japan had followed behind China without being used as cannon fodder, so domestic worries in Japan had largely subsided. As China won victory after victory, discussions began in Japan that the Japanese military should also show its worth.

Seeing Yamaguchi finish his operational briefing, Ishiwara asked, "What if our forces cannot win?"

Yamaguchi answered frankly, "There are only two possibilities where our forces cannot win this operation. Either the weather remains consistently poor, preventing us from operating, or the US Navy concentrates its entire force in Hawaii, possessing absolute numerical superiority. If it's the former, we can wait until the weather is suitable to attack. If it's the latter, the Chinese Navy can seize a large number of islands during this phase. Especially the Marshall Islands.

"Once the Marshall Islands are taken, the situation will change completely. The Marshalls are less than 1,000 kilometers from Wake Island, which will become a transit base. Through aerial staging, Wake Island can maintain the capacity to operate 800 fighters. Added to the carrier-based fighters, we will maintain a scale of 2,000 fighters in continuous combat near Midway. If the US military wants to fight to the bitter end, we will fight them to the bitter end!"

Ishiwara was somewhat shaken by Yamaguchi Tamon's combat resolve. Before Ishiwara could speak, Yamaguchi pointed to the vast Central and South Pacific. "The US military does not have the ability to train a large number of naval aviators in a short time. According to intelligence, the combined total of Chinese and Japanese naval aviators and carrier-based pilots is enough to field 70,000 fighter jets at sea. The US is said to be able to field 50,000. Even with a one-to-one exchange ratio, after both sides exhaust their forces, China and Japan will still have 20,000 fighters left to continue the fight, while the US will have to abandon this immense ocean area. I do not believe the US military will fight to the bitter end."

Hearing Yamaguchi's firmness, neither Ishiwara nor Yamamoto made another sound. Ishiwara, in particular, could find no strategic fault with Yamaguchi Tamon's plan.

It was 2,000 kilometers from Midway to Hawaii. The current main US fighters, the P-47 and P-51, had very limited combat time after flying from Hawaii to Midway. The US military truly could not transfer 50,000 pilots there. Even counting the 18 carrier groups the US could currently operate and all fighters in the Hawaii region, the US would not be able to field more than 5,000 fighters at Midway. The combined Chinese and Japanese forces could deploy over 4,000 combat aircraft in a single wave.

Moreover, Yamaguchi Tamon's concept of using Wake Island as a transit hub was highly feasible because Chinese and Japanese fighters could hop from island airfield to island airfield all the way to Wake Island, making logistics far more convenient than for the US forces.

Yamaguchi Tamon's plan seemed reckless, but strategically it was flawless. Strategic planning is called *miaosuan* (temple calculation) in China, meaning calculations made in the ancestral temple before the war. Strategy leads to victory because it is correct, and it is correct because it is the result of cold calculation. Our side has more troops, better equipment, and better training; we can exhaust the enemy through numbers. As long as the strategic calculation is correct, the only thing left to watch out for is the mindset of "underestimating the enemy."

As for details, such as whether the US military would launch a surprise attack on Wake Island during the campaign, Ishiwara didn't even want to ask. Yamaguchi was no incompetent; he didn't mention this possibility simply because there was no need to mention it.

Ishiwara looked at Yamamoto. Yamamoto felt he should pour some cold water on Yamaguchi, so he asked sternly, "Has Yamaguchi-kun considered a pure carrier duel?"

Yamaguchi answered immediately, "I will do my best to avoid such a situation. If the US military truly wants a decisive battle with us at Wake Island, I would be happy to see a battle between US carrier fleets and our land-based aviation."

Seeing that Yamaguchi had no intention of acting foolishly, Yamamoto turned to Ishiwara. "Prime Minister, I support Yamaguchi-kun's plan."

Ishiwara nodded immediately. "Yamaguchi-kun, I await your triumphant return. Once Midway is taken, I will not only proclaim your victory to the nation but also announce the suspension of the agricultural tax for three years!"

Hearing this, Yamaguchi Tamon stood up immediately and replied, "Your Excellency Prime Minister, Your Excellency Commander, I will go prepare now."

After Yamaguchi left, Ishiwara lowered his head and tapped the armrest of the sofa lightly, obviously thinking about something. Yamamoto wanted to take his leave, but felt Ishiwara seemed to have more to say, so he could only wait.

After a silence, Ishiwara looked up and asked, "Yamamoto-kun, you saw with your own eyes He-kun opening up the Southeast Asian market. What is your evaluation?"

"Far beyond expectations!" Yamamoto answered decisively. The economy of the Asian Economic Community had developed rapidly over the past decade, but by 1940, it had reached a situation where market consumption power could not grow. The war shattered the old economic system of the Southeast Asian colonies, and China reorganized the Southeast Asian economy with extreme speed, integrating it into the Asian Economic Community.

Massive amounts of raw materials and tropical products from Southeast Asia entered China, while Chinese industrial goods entered Southeast Asia. It was as if in the blink of an eye, new trade created massive orders. Not only were Chinese factories running at full capacity, but people in Southeast Asia were also buying more cheap goods. As a key nation within the Asian Economic Community, Japan also pulled itself out of the economic crisis.

Yamamoto didn't mention these details because Ishiwara, as the promoter of Japan joining the Asian Economic Community, knew them very well. Yamamoto simply said, "In the past three months, I have witnessed the fusion of the Southeast Asian economy and the Asian Economic Community. I can finally confirm that colonialism is an extremely backward system. To build a better world economy, colonialism must be eliminated!"

This was Yamamoto's heartfelt belief. Although Yamamoto had heard He Rui describe the future world order more than a decade ago, no matter how much he thought about it, he found his own thinking couldn't escape the colonialist mindset, always thinking about how to plunder. Only after seeing the Southeast Asian economy integrate with the Asian Economic Community in a mutually beneficial way did Yamamoto realize that minimizing economic bloodsucking didn't make China lose out; instead, it solved the problem of underemployment for China's 300 million industrial workers.

China liberated the colonial peoples and carried out socialist revolutions in the colonies. The colonial peoples received means of production and earned money by selling their products, naturally gaining the ability to consume more necessities. For example, the four southern countries that had been independent for nearly two years now had two harvests a year, and some places three. Everyone received land, and the export of grain and raw materials was no longer exploited, leading to booming exports.

If China had been like other colonial powers, exploiting the already impoverished Southeast Asian people, where would the colonial people get the money to buy Chinese goods?

China not only liberated the colonies according to He Rui's plan but also gave the liberated areas certain pricing power according to his plan. This broke another of Yamamoto's intuitive errors. Yamamoto felt industrial goods should be sold more expensively for higher profits. But Chinese goods were sold at low prices to former colonial areas, while the prices paid for products from those areas were not low. Overall, China did not extract excess profits from them.

But the results were excellent. Taking the four southern countries which became independent earlier as an example, because no excess profits were extracted and they were given certain pricing power, trade between both sides was very active. In just two years, the lives of the local people were completely revitalized. Everyone had several sets of clothes, and they no longer wore straw sandals or rag shoes, but normal shoes like the people of China and Japan. If there was a difference, it was probably that the daily necessities used by the people of the four southern countries were very suitable for the local climate.

Furthermore, China did not treat the colonial people like monkeys but truly respected the people of these countries. Again, taking the four southern countries as an example, China did not crudely push aside the people of the former colonial countries to cooperate only with the former upper class. Instead, they cooperated with local progressive forces to overthrow the local old upper class. Afterwards, China and the local new governments cooperated on how to build a new order and develop the local economy through learning and discussion.

A large number of members of the local new governments went to China to observe, visit, and temporarily join Chinese government departments to personally experience how the Chinese government actually operated. At the same time, China also helped former colonial countries send a large number of personnel to China for study.

Although these countries did not truly master how to run a modern economy in a short time, nor did they truly believe that China's model could be copied to their countries, their new leadership had truly experienced, seen, and learned it. So they could at least understand how to implement the national construction methods proposed by China. They built various departments in their countries to coordinate with Chinese investment and managed to get these departments running barely.

China carried out long-term loan investments in these countries, with loan terms often starting at 20 years. These countries could now earn money through exports to China, and their citizens earned wages by participating in this infrastructure construction. As long as they could earn money, the fiscal systems of these countries could operate. If the finances could operate normally, the government could stabilize.

Although there were all sorts of messes within these newly established governments, what China sought at this stage was not to make money from these countries, but to integrate their markets into the Asian Economic Community. As long as trade between China and these countries grew larger, and the domestic markets of these former colonial countries grew larger, China's domestic unemployment problem would become smaller. From the perspective of the Chinese government, as long as the investments in these former colonial countries could roughly break even within 20 years, that was enough.

Yamamoto figured out the significance of a broader market for China, which could be considered a sudden awakening. If the economies of these former colonial countries could increase fivefold in 20 years, like China's, the revenue from normal trade alone would clear all debts. And after 20 years, the benefits China would gain would only be greater, not smaller. This was true long-term profit!

Now the Asian Economic Community operated on a fiat currency system. Money was printed by the government; they could print as much as they wanted. The Chinese government could print money desperately, but it couldn't print a market. In the 20-year long-term investment in former colonies, because China gained an overseas market of hundreds of millions or even a billion people, it could eliminate the social costs brought by unemployment within China. This benefit could not be measured by the money invested.

Ishiwara listened to Yamamoto's account, feeling truly moved. The reason he launched the Japanese Revolution was precisely because he looked forward to such a future. When China built a new world order and gained the world market, Japan could also get a slice of the pie from this new order. If he hadn't believed that He Rui could definitely build such a world order, Ishiwara would never have killed so many Japanese people, including the Emperor's entire family, for a Chinese man.