After the China Defense Force secured Cam Ranh Bay and Saigon, they immediately began setting up field radar and establishing an air defense system. In the development of radar technology, China, along with the United States and the United Kingdom, walked at the forefront of the world. In the British homeland, radar stations monitored the skies around the clock, searching for signals from the Luftwaffe.

The psychological shock caused to Britain by Germany's Operation Sea Lion far exceeded the actual material damage. For the first time in two hundred years, the British homeland had suffered a genuine attack. To counter Germany, the British government tried every means to request the Chinese Volunteer Air Force to participate in the defensive war against the Luftwaffe.

At this time, China and Britain had reached a tacit understanding through communication. The Chinese Volunteer Air Force was aiding France; since the French people had not surrendered and a large number of outstanding French sons and daughters were continuing to fight the Nazi Germans with disregard for their own lives, the Chinese Volunteer Air Force, inspired by the patriotism of their French comrades, continued to fight alongside the French Air Force. This was also justifiable as a pretext.

Britain now very much hoped that Germany would declare war on China. However, after the Chinese Volunteers issued their statement, the Nazi German government unexpectedly did not declare war on China, causing the British Foreign Office to sigh that the Nazi government was indeed very cunning.

At this moment, the Chinese Volunteer Air Force had fewer than 100 fighter planes left. Although Britain still had 1,200 aircraft, only 700 were fighters. The nearly one hundred Chinese fighter planes, along with their experienced pilots, were extremely precious to Britain. To express respect for China and to continue luring Germany into declaring war on China, major British newspapers sent reporters to interview the Chinese Volunteers.

In the interviews, the Chinese Volunteers all expressed the view that Britain was fully capable of achieving air defense for its homeland. As British aircraft production rose rapidly, Germany would no longer dare to cross the English Channel to attack Britain. The British reporters did not know if this was the Chinese pilots comforting Britain, or if the Chinese pilots truly believed it. All reporters noticed that the Chinese pilots appeared very calm, showing not the slightest sign of nervousness.

The Chinese Air Force was indeed not nervous. China also had air defense radar, and the Chinese pilots were well aware of the role of radar. When fighting in France, French radar technology was inadequate, and the Chinese pilots had to rely on the analysis provided by the massive staff delegation of the Chinese Special Task Fleet. With radar, Chinese pilots only needed to proceed to the designated airspace to fight; they did not need to maintain a state of searching for the enemy at all times. Moreover, Britain was too small, and the air combat zone was even narrower, which saved the Chinese Air Force mental and physical energy.

Since leaving China, the Chinese Volunteer pilots had not fought such an easy battle in a long time.

The progress of the fighting was similar to the judgment of the Chinese Volunteers. In the following days, the losses of German Air Force pilots were very heavy. In air combat, having a plane shot down did not equal death; pilots could still escape by parachuting. During the Battle of France, many German pilots parachuted after being shot down. Even if captured by the French army, they could be released after the war and return to service in the German army.

But with Germany attacking Britain, once a plane was shot down, the pilot would be captured upon landing and could not escape at all. Britain had not surrendered, so captured German pilots did not know when they would be released. Pilots were far more valuable than fighter planes, especially those with rich combat experience.

Now, the Chinese Volunteer Air Force had only 76 men left. Anyone who had shot down 2 enemy planes was sent back to China. Only Senior Colonel Feng Chengzhi, who had shot down 4 enemy fighters, remained to continue leading the combat for the sake of consistency.

Brigadier General de Gaulle had been discussing with the French officers rallied around him for several days. At this time, all the attendees were very exhausted. De Gaulle, with a weary face, listened to the major question raised by his equally weary comrades: "General, why can't we choose Britain?"

When a Frenchman asks why one cannot trust the British, it touches upon the French bottom line. For hundreds of years, the French have had a high degree of consensus on "never trusting the Anglo-Saxons."

De Gaulle replied, "China cannot become a European country. From a geopolitical perspective, if China wants to achieve influence in Europe, it needs a partner. Similarly, if France wants to have its own influence in Asia, it must be achieved through China. Conflicts between China and France can be fully predicted, but conflicts between France, Britain, and Germany are hard to predict. This is the reason why we cannot choose Britain."

This statement was somewhat difficult for soldiers to understand. What de Gaulle said was a concrete application of the theories in He Rui's *Introduction to Geopolitics* to Sino-French relations. Geopolitics is not some magical theory. To put this passage in a Chinese colloquialism, it is: "Where does the pot rim not bump the ladle?"

There are many problems between two bordering countries; contradictions emerge one after another and will never see an end. Although there are contradictions between countries that do not border each other, distance itself determines that such contradictions must be within a limited scope.

De Gaulle used various terms that his comrades could understand to explain this again, reducing the mistrust of some French officers towards China. Although the French officers basically agreed to the plan of cooperation with China, some officers still said unhappily, "China's means of seizing Indochina were not honorable."

De Gaulle did not say anything to this question. China's actions were indeed not honorable, but French Indochina was originally taken by France from China. As a great colonial power, having a colony taken away was not a major event for France. Although de Gaulle was very unhappy when he heard the news, he could understand China's choice. If France and China were to trade places, France would do the same.

Given France's current situation, Indochina had practically become a land without a master. If China didn't act, Britain would. Even if Britain didn't act, the United States likely would.

Just as de Gaulle was preparing to announce that he would go to the Chinese Embassy in the UK, someone pushed the door open and entered. Everyone looked at the French officer who rushed in hurriedly, only to see him shout with a face full of anger, "Gentlemen, Britain has attacked our fleet at the Mers-el-Kébir naval base."

Hearing this, de Gaulle couldn't help but stand up abruptly. He was nearly two meters tall; when he walked up to someone and looked down at them, it was truly imposing. That French officer had no fear at this moment; he shouted to de Gaulle with grief and indignation, "General, the British attacked our fleet at Mers-el-Kébir. It is said that the fleet has been sunk by the British!"

Mers-el-Kébir is in Algeria. Among the many French colonies, Algeria, facing the French mainland across the Mediterranean, was the most special; the French regarded Algeria as part of the French mainland. In France, some white Frenchmen were called "Pieds-Noirs" (Black Feet), referring to white Frenchmen in Algeria. They were called "Black Feet" not because their feet were as black as Africans, but because these white people were not considered rich in France and did heavy labor in Algeria; their tattered shoes naturally wouldn't be very clean on the dirty earth.

At this moment, there was no need for de Gaulle to say anything more; the other French officers were already making a noise. "General, the British are unreliable. We support cooperation with China!"

De Gaulle didn't say much more. He picked up his military cap, walked quickly out of the gathering place of the French officers, and went straight to the Chinese Embassy. As soon as de Gaulle left, the other French officers immediately asked about the details of the event. That officer, like other French soldiers, had learned it through intelligence channels. In such a short time, he didn't know the specific situation either, and could only roughly introduce the news he had received.

On July 3rd, the British government, worried that the French fleet would defect to Germany, ordered the British fleet to attack the French forces in the port of Mers-el-Kébir, the French naval base in Algeria. The French forces were caught off guard and suffered heavy losses. It was said that the main ships were sunk by the British.

The French forces in Algeria and the Pétain government were not the same thing. Since Germany had no power to attack Algeria, this region served as France's core area in Africa, with powerful population and military strength. This region held a relatively neutral attitude; French Army and Navy officers and soldiers who held similar attitudes had fled to Algeria, especially the French Navy, with most of the fleet heading there.

The French officers did not doubt the correctness of the news. In the eyes of the French, Britain was precisely the kind of country that could do such things to France. Compared to Britain, the Chinese action of taking the opportunity to retake Indochina could simply be described as civilized and polite.

De Gaulle was also not surprised by this matter, but Britain's action of destroying the French Navy strengthened his determination to cooperate with China. Aside from Britain being destined to be in a competitive relationship with France geopolitically, for de Gaulle, France had huge investments in China, and there were also tens of thousands of French experts, technicians, and businessmen living and working in China. During the Western European campaign, the evacuation organized by China had also taken away a large group of French people.

As long as de Gaulle cooperated with China, the French resistance organization would immediately get money, men, and guns. What the French resistance needed most urgently right now was precisely money, men, and guns. With these, the French resistance could begin to counterattack. De Gaulle was not considering the issue of French Indochina at all right now; his mind was full of considerations about what conditions China would propose.

Arriving in front of the Chinese Embassy in the UK, de Gaulle was immediately invited in. Ambassador Li Lei sat in front of de Gaulle, quietly waiting for his questions. De Gaulle asked, "I wonder if China has formulated any new policies regarding French enterprises currently in China?"

Li Lei nodded. "We have indeed formulated new policies."

De Gaulle sighed in his heart; this was the predicament that the people of a fallen nation must inevitably face.

Without waiting for de Gaulle to speak, Li Lei continued, "General, you know that we in China have always opposed racism, and the policies executed by the German Nazi government are representative of white racism. Therefore, we do not recognize the Pétain government that has surrendered. If we recognized the Pétain government, it would be equivalent to cooperating with Germany. Based on our country's stance, our country has already frozen the loans from the French government to the Chinese government, and does not allow the Sino-French Bank to continue financial dealings with the Pétain government or Germany in the French occupied zones. Nor are French enterprises in China allowed to pay taxes to the Pétain government."

De Gaulle was stunned. He felt that the Chinese Ambassador to the UK in front of him was using money to implement a temptation. China had not confiscated the property of French merchants, nor had it confiscated the property of the French government in China; it simply did not allow this money to flow to the French Pétain government that had surrendered to Nazi Germany. This meant that if a French government recognized by the Chinese government appeared, this money could be obtained by that French government.

Although this was a huge temptation, de Gaulle had experienced slaughter on the battlefield after all; he was not blinded by this large sum of money. After thinking for a moment, de Gaulle continued to ask, "The Chinese government's actions in Indochina are a violation of France."

"General, China has always opposed racism and colonialism. It has always supported the liberation of the world's people. From France's perspective, this is a violation. From China's standpoint, the Chinese government's decisive action is to liberate this region so that it no longer becomes prey for colonialists. Of course, the Chinese government believes that if there is a French government that identifies with liberating colonies and is willing to complete the independence of the Indochina region, that would be best."

De Gaulle once again felt the sensation of being tempted. If China allowed a recognized French government to complete the independence of French Indochina, this meant that this French government could continue to use the land and ports of French Indochina for a certain period. De Gaulle wanted to counterattack and needed a rear area. This rear area had better be able to obtain various support, including various military supplies. Indochina, bordering China, could undoubtedly easily obtain China's support.

When de Gaulle discovered that everything he expected could be satisfied, he did not rush to state his position but asked about China's attitude. "The Chinese government has always opposed all kinds of racism, including white racism. China's stance makes me feel confused. Is China going to defeat Nazi Germany, or defeat all racism?"

Li Lei answered frankly, "Nazism is merely a manifestation of white racism. What China wants to defeat are the reactionaries who are still stubbornly persisting in racism even in 1940. Just as when we took over Indochina, someone raised a question. Many people in the Indochina colonial government have blood debts on their hands; should they be handed over to the local people to be judged by them?"

The corners of de Gaulle's mouth couldn't help twitching a few times. He knew very well that if these colonialists were handed over to the local people, they would certainly be killed by them. The question raised by Chinese Ambassador Li Lei was very realistic and very terrifying.

He heard Li Lei continue, "Our side believes that although these colonial officials killed many people, they committed crimes in the line of duty. The policies were formulated by the French government of that time. Since these people chose... cooperation when facing the people's liberation movement, we will characterize them as uprising personnel."

De Gaulle was assessing the Chinese government's attitude in his mind when he heard Li Lei continue, "However, we will not let off those who committed the crime of murder. Please allow me to ask a presumptuous question, General: do you support murder? Would you consider murderers innocent?"

This question made de Gaulle want to roll his eyes in anger. As a dignified French Brigadier General, how could he support crime? Even less could he accept the ridiculous view that murderers were innocent. However, what Li Lei said was a very realistic problem. If French people in the colony committed murder against local people based on personal reasons, China was not prepared to let such people off.

Besides this layer of meaning, de Gaulle also believed there was another layer. That was that the French government supported by China could not be a colonialist government. This concept made de Gaulle feel a lot of pressure. It wasn't that de Gaulle thought French colonies were more important than the French mainland. To preserve the so-called French Colonial Empire, one could allow France to be occupied and enslaved by Germany? But once the stance of opposing colonialism was made clear, there would definitely be many French people who would choose to stand on the opposite side of de Gaulle.

After thinking for a while, de Gaulle asked, "Mr. Ambassador, do you think France should declare the independence of each colony?"

Li Lei shook his head. "Personally, I think that if the French government hopes to get the full support of each colony, promising each colony that those who support France's liberation will all be able to gain independence after the war is won... such a method would be of great benefit to the current France."

De Gaulle did not answer immediately. In his heart, he felt that these diplomats really loved playing word games. "Personally think"? Isn't this just the standard set by the Chinese government?

But de Gaulle thought it over and over, and still felt he should accept such conditions. De Gaulle was not the only one in France willing to resist to the end; the French Communist Party had great influence in France, and the FCP had proposed adopting guerrilla warfare nationwide to fight Nazi Germany to the end. It was just that the FCP itself had no army, no arms, and could not launch guerrilla warfare.

Although the FCP had no military power, its philosophy completely aligned with the conditions proposed by the Chinese government. If the Chinese government were proposing these requirements to the FCP right now, the FCP would likely express agreement immediately. Even if the FCP did not know China's requirements right now, as long as China was not lying, the FCP would know before long. At that time, FCP personnel would try every means to go to China and establish a new French government.

Thinking of this, de Gaulle probed, "I wonder if Mr. Ambassador knows the news that the British Navy attacked the port of Mers-el-Kébir?"

Li Lei replied with a composed expression, "I received the news after the fact. General, I have great sympathy for the casualties of the French Navy and do not agree with imperialist atrocities at all."

Now de Gaulle was certain that Li Lei definitely had various backup plans and was not just preparing to bet everything on de Gaulle alone. Although the two sides had major divergences in stance in some aspects, de Gaulle decided to link up with China first.

In the next two days, de Gaulle discussed internally with the officers who had come to join him, and organized a negotiation team to conduct multiple secret exchanges with Li Lei. In the end, about thirty percent of the officers expressed that they could not trust China and temporarily withdrew from de Gaulle's small team. These people's biggest worry lay in the fact that China's anti-colonial stance was hostile to the entire white world, and cooperating with China would easily be considered being a traitor to the white world.

De Gaulle, however, made up his mind. He raised a question at the meeting: "What if the British don't let people go?"

Now de Gaulle and a large number of French officers and soldiers persisting in the struggle were all in the UK; the British might not let people leave so smoothly. Li Lei looked solemn. "If the General is willing to go to Indochina, we can discuss the departure or stay of the Chinese Volunteers with the British."

De Gaulle was stunned, and for a moment was even somewhat moved. The Chinese Volunteer Air Force fought the Luftwaffe every day; that was dancing on the tip of a blade, hovering on the edge of the line of death. The Chinese were trading their lives for France's freedom.