"This is the summary of the scale and output of mines and plantations in the Southeast Asia region. The table below is the valuation. These assets need to resume production in the shortest possible time. Everyone, take a look at the estimated prices." As He Rui spoke, he handed the documents to everyone. Since He Rui only had two copies in hand, Xu Chengfeng and Wu Youping looked at one copy, while Li Runshi and Cheng Ruofan sat on the same sofa, looking at the other copy on the coffee table in front of them.

The content of the investigation report came from the Ministry of Commerce and multiple Southeast Asia Research Institutes actually subordinate to the General Staff. The quantity, scale, output, and sales targets of various mines and plantations in Southeast Asia, as a source of raw materials and a dumping ground for commodities, were listed very clearly. Based on income surveys of laborers in these regions, the assessment department also provided estimates of profit margins.

Although the profit margins of these industries were not the rumored 1000%+ excess profits of colonialism immediately after shipping out of the place of origin, due to the colonialists' frantic exploitation of the colonial people, it was no problem for this bunch of colonialists to make a 40% profit.

Seeing the 40% profit in the fairly comprehensive assessment, Wu Youping naturally thought of the net profit of less than 10% for various industrial enterprises in China now. The profits of European and American monopoly industries were hard to say, but profits in non-monopoly fields were just 3-5%. The Chinese statistical department, based on accumulated data on China's industrial development and industrial product prices, reached an assessment similar to the current status in Europe and America. Because China cracked down on monopolies, in a fully competitive environment, the average profit of Chinese industry was progressing towards the 3-5% level.

He Rui said, "Before the start of the Socialist Global Liberation War, we must begin preparing the future governments of these colonies. These governments must have the same values as us. We don't need to care if the other side claims to be capitalist or socialist. As long as the new government aims to develop productive forces and improve the people's standard of living, they have common values with us. We will cooperate with them."

After saying this, He Rui added, "This is actually the second step."

The other four comrades frowned slightly in thought, but no one opened their mouth to ask.

He Rui continued, "I also want to remind comrades of one thing. These oppressed regions cannot empathize with us on the issue of viewing imperialism. Please be sure to understand this fact."

Still, no one answered, so He Rui looked at everyone. Seeing a bit of bitter helplessness in Cheng Ruofan's expression, He Rui stared at Cheng Ruofan. Cheng Ruofan could only speak: "Chairman, I understand what you mean by the inability to empathize. I asked similar questions when communicating with the German military. German generals expressed that they knew China had indeed suffered some grievances. But China has never been defeated since 1901. Japan and Britain, China's biggest rivals, were both defeated by China. As a member of the Allied Powers and a victor nation, what qualifications does China have to compare misery with Germany after 1919?

"In the past few hundred years, to maintain geopolitical advantage, France has consistently prevented the German region from unifying. The French army occupied Berlin at the drop of a hat. Germany is the country most ravaged by Anglo-French imperialism in this world. Those few things China encountered, don't bring them out to compare with Germany."

Hearing this, even someone as usually serious as Xu Chengfeng could not help but smile bitterly.

Cheng Ruofan continued, "When I asked French marshals and generals similar questions in private settings, the French generals spread their hands and asked me a question in return: How much money has China paid in indemnities to date? In 1870, after the end of the Franco-Prussian War, Germany was established in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, France. France paid Germany an indemnity of 5 billion francs. Converted to silver, that's about 1.25 billion taels of silver. Who could France complain to?

"China has no way to empathize with Germany and France, and Southeast Asian colonies are even less likely to truly empathize with China. In the eyes of those colonial people, Britain and France are Great Powers, and isn't China a Great Power too? China fighting to the death with the Great Powers of the world is just the Great Powers biting each other like dogs for their own interests. What does it have to do with the colonial people!"

He Rui had just nodded when he heard Li Runshi answer, "Chairman, I attended a conference of European scholars in Europe. At the meeting at the University of Paris, several German and Dutch scholars jointly raised a question. These scholars believed that since 1840, China has been treated with contempt by the white world. For a great country like China, it is absolutely impossible to accept the contempt of white supremacy. The contempt of white supremacy will inevitably stir up China's nationalist sentiments. They worry that the Chinese government will incite and use this revanchist sentiment, and worry even more that the Chinese government will be hijacked by this revanchist sentiment.

"Some British scholars even believed that the proposition put forward by China that all human beings are equal is correct in principle, but from the level of execution, it will inevitably set off a revanchist war. Therefore, British scholars suggested that China and Europe jointly promote the theory of human geographic differentiation, eventually deducing the conclusion that all human wars are civil wars."

Everyone else, including He Rui, felt that scholars were indeed scholars; they looked at problems with depth. But the views of the British scholars were obviously trying to wash away Britain's crimes.

Li Runshi continued, "I believe that our point of empathy with the people of colonized regions lies in gaining respect and the yearning for a better life. Therefore, we must respect people across the globe without preconditions. For those governments that cannot possess common values with us, we cannot turn a blind eye to their actions, nor can we indulge them for short-term interests."

"Well said!" Cheng Ruofan could not help but praise.

He Rui nodded, "Exactly so."

Xu Chengfeng and Wu Youping did not make a sound. They did not oppose He Rui's view, but they also didn't have much enthusiasm to firmly support it. Work always had to be done by someone, and both felt that they just needed to do their assigned work well. As for whether to respect the people of other countries, Xu Chengfeng felt he would not take the initiative to insult people, and Wu Youping didn't even have such thoughts. He felt that in the future war, he would thank Heaven and Earth if these liberated regions just caused less trouble. As for the good thing of these liberated regions providing manpower and materials for the Liberation War, Wu Youping felt the personnel in the State Council had better not dream such dreams.

He Rui was already very happy seeing that Li Runshi and Cheng Ruofan could keep up with his train of thought. Both of them had strong working abilities. As long as one civil and one military official could coordinate, they could build the core framework for the external part of the Liberation War. He Rui himself could then concentrate on shouldering He Rui's responsibility, which was to point out the direction of victory from a strategic level.

"I believe that the third phase is to build a brand-new world system. Even if it is only preliminarily built, with nearly 1.6 billion people seeking liberation facing the forces of imperialism with their 400 million people and heavy internal contradictions, I believe the people will win." He Rui stated his judgment.

"If it is nearly 1.6 billion people... can we use projection capability to judge the Soviet Union's influence in the Global Liberation War?" Wu Youping asked.

"Yes," He Rui expressed agreement.

As a Siping native, Wu Youping's impression of the Soviet Union was not very good, and the question he raised was also very sharp, "How many territorial demands will the Soviet Union make?"

He Rui looked at Xu Chengfeng. This guy was preparing to play the role of someone who buries his head in pulling the cart. He Rui, however, did not want Xu Chengfeng's vision to stop there, so he asked, "What does Chengfeng think?"

Xu Chengfeng thought for a moment and replied, "If a new global order is truly built, the Soviet Union must not only give up the land obtained through aggression but also be held accountable for committing such crimes of aggression."

He Rui felt this was the level Xu Chengfeng should have. He said to Wu Youping, "Since we are discussing this issue, let's return to the first step I mentioned before. I said before that setting about preparing the future colonial governments is the second step. The first step is to propose a program for the future world order. The specific content of the program can be fully discussed. I suggest that the first article of this program be: Countries participating in world liberation cannot obtain territory through war."

Wu Youping believed He Rui's view came from the heart and was sincere. Immediately thinking of Russia's nature, Wu Youping suppressed the urge and held back the words "Then there will be less than 1.5 billion people" without saying them aloud. In Wu Youping's view, it was impossible for the Soviet Union to accept this article no matter what.

At this time in Moscow, Stalin had already received the secret telegram sent back by Molotov. Based on strategic judgment, General Secretary Stalin basically determined that He Rui had no intention of starting a war against the Soviet Union, nor was it likely he would adopt hostile behavior towards the Soviet Union. With a Sino-Soviet border line of over ten thousand kilometers, as long as hostile behavior was adopted, both sides would have to dispatch millions of troops for a standoff. This would be an extremely foolish choice.

The agreement between China and the Soviet Union not to station troops at the border, as well as the Sino-Soviet Treaty of Peace and Friendship not targeting third parties, although making General Secretary Stalin and the CPSU feel very uncomfortable, were, from the CPSU's perspective, the geopolitical strategic choice most beneficial to China adopted by He Rui, exploiting the military reality that neither side could afford the consumption of millions of troops on the border and that the Soviet Union did not have the ability to defeat the East Asian Allied Forces in the Far East.

In the traditional Russian view, if one was not a brother, one was an enemy; not taking advantage was not much different from suffering a loss. China made a fortune using peace and also exploited the reality that the Soviet Union was powerless to destroy the peace, forcing the Soviet Union to passively accept maintaining a peace dominated by China. This kind of behavior didn't look like something a good brother should do no matter how one looked at it.

The CPSU Central Committee naturally could not shout "It is wrong for China and the Soviet Union to maintain long-term peace," but this peace strategy concocted by China made quite a few members of the CPSU Central Committee very uncomfortable.

Stalin currently had no intention of weakening the peace agreement, so he raised no objections to this. The Soviet-German relations proposed by He Rui made Stalin feel very unhappy. Because Marshal Tukhachevsky, who had just been criticized and overthrown, held views on Soviet-German relations identical to He Rui's. According to the Soviet political tradition of criticizing until one stinks, various viewpoints proposed by Tukhachevsky had to be negated.

In terms of political struggle, before being criticized and overthrown, Tukhachevsky also acted according to Russian tradition.

The future strategic design of the Red Army had undergone several intense debates. Previously, the military theory circles represented by the former Tsarist Russian Major General Svechin proposed that due to the Soviet Union's backwardness in industry, the Soviet army building idea should utilize the depth generated by the Soviet Union's huge land area and the Soviet Union's population of over 150 million to adopt a defensive posture in future wars.

Because the Soviet system possessed organizational advantages, in peacetime, this organizational advantage should be exerted to conduct full military training for all citizens, and during wartime, a war of attrition should be conducted against invading enemies.

Tukhachevsky, on the other hand, believed that the Soviet Union should use a large amount of technical weaponry accumulated beforehand to achieve victory directly in the initial stage of the war. Since Tukhachevsky firmly supported Stalin's policy of Socialism in One Country and was a staunch supporter of the Five-Year Plan, Tukhachevsky won the debate. Therefore, Tukhachevsky struck at the homeland defense faction headed by Svechin.

If not for the fact that Sino-Soviet trade was going very well and both Five-Year Plans were over-fulfilled, the internal contradictions in the Soviet Union were not intense. According to Tukhachevsky directly attacking Svechin's origin as a Tsarist Russian Major General during the debate, the homeland defense faction headed by Svechin was to be expelled from the military and thoroughly struggled against until they stank.

Seeing that war was likely to break out within a year, the CPSU Central Committee took stock of the status quo of the Soviet Red Army and discovered that the over two million Soviet Red Army troops were not even a half-assed force. Only then did they have to drive Tukhachevsky from power. Stalin himself did not care for the homeland defense faction headed by Svechin either, but he had to re-employ this bunch and let them seize the time to clean up the current mess.

Looking at He Rui's brief and decisive judgment, Stalin began to hesitate whether to set aside Tukhachevsky's matter first. The previous decision to let the homeland defense faction headed by Svechin teach at military academies was considered by Tukhachevsky to be "not Russian enough." But a decision originally just intended not to intensify contradictions now showed results that were passable. So putting aside the matter regarding Tukhachevsky first might have good results in the future?

Only after making this "not Russian enough" decision did Stalin begin to consider the recent attitude of Britain and France. From the traditional Russian perspective, everything proposed by Britain and France was an unscrupulous insult to the Soviet Union. From the news obtained recently, the purpose of France signing the *Franco-Soviet Treaty of Mutual Assistance* with the Soviet Union was not that the French government respected the Soviet Union from then on, but that a certain French cabinet, heaven knows how many terms ago, wanted to pass a bill increasing military expenditure and expanding the army. The important French political party that might support that cabinet at the time was the French Communist Party. To gain the approval of the French Communist Party, that bunch signed the *Franco-Soviet Treaty of Mutual Assistance* with the Soviet Union.

Having learned the inside story, the CPSU Central Committee's distrust of Britain and France rose rapidly. Especially since among the conditions Britain and France proposed again, there appeared... negotiations on Britain and France being willing to start cancelling trade restrictions with the Soviet Union, expanding the scale of trade, lifting technical restrictions, and allowing the Soviet Union to conduct financial loans in Britain and France.

This news enraged the CPSU committee members who knew about it. Seeing that the British and French governments were about to be thrashed by Germany, when they took the initiative to run to the Soviet Union to request aid, the condition proposed was actually "allowing negotiations." This was undoubtedly treating the Soviet Union like a stinking beggar. If this could be tolerated, what could not be tolerated!

In the time of Alexander III, facing a minister transmitting a request for help from envoys of the European faction, the Tsar, holding a fishing rod, said lightly to the reporting minister: "The Tsar is fishing; Europe can wait."

Now that Britain and France disrespected the Soviet Union so much, the Soviet Union had to consider a possibility. Britain and France wanted to use the temptation of the Soviet Union entering the war to make the Soviet Union and Germany go to war.

Sorting through various situations one by one, Stalin made a decision. If Tukhachevsky had completed the work he should have completed, the Soviet Union could have considered sending troops. Under the current situation, the Soviet Union absolutely could not send troops.

As for the reason to refuse Britain and France, Stalin felt there was a ready-made reason right before his eyes. It was a reason that completely fit the image of Tsarist Russia and was also impossible for Britain and France to accept.

Early in the morning on July 14, 1939, Ribbentrop, having received orders, hurriedly headed to Hitler's official residence. On the way, Ribbentrop was very agitated. Yesterday afternoon, he had just collated the news obtained from Britain and France through secret diplomatic channels and submitted it to Hitler. It could be seen that Hitler attached equal importance to this intelligence.

Arriving at the Chancellery where Hitler lived, Ribbentrop noticed that the construction team had already finished dismantling construction equipment like scaffolding outside the Chancellery. Sure enough, after a door inside the building was opened, Ribbentrop walked into a super-large office with an area exceeding two hundred square meters.

This Chancellery, built in the Bismarck era, had always maintained its original structure. After President Hindenburg passed away and Hitler moved in, he found that the Chancellor's private office was only 60 square meters in size and did not even have a balcony to review the marching masses on the main road nearby. Hitler ordered Speer to redesign it, and now it was finally completed.

Ribbentrop had thought he would see a wide and unobstructed office, but he didn't expect that upon walking into the office, the interior decoration and furnishings naturally drew his line of sight towards the direction of that desk. Sitting behind that desk was Hitler himself. Hitler, who was looking at documents, raised his head and said something to the chief attendant beside him, and the chief attendant walked towards Ribbentrop.

Thick carpets covered the office floor, and the chief attendant's footsteps were almost inaudible. Although it was just inside the office, Ribbentrop had the feeling that the chief attendant had walked down an entire corridor.

The chief attendant stopped beside Ribbentrop and said to him, "Please follow me, the Führer is waiting for you."

Walking in front of Hitler, Ribbentrop gave a Nazi salute to Hitler, "My Führer, I have arrived as ordered."

Hitler tapped the document in front of him and said, "If the Red Army must engage in war with a certain country, the Soviet Union will have to consider ensuring the war order is effectively executed by changing the border line."

Looking at Hitler's serious expression, Ribbentrop answered immediately, "My Führer, I believe the time to go to Moscow for negotiations has arrived."

Hitler had just repeated the answer regarding the Soviet Union given to Britain and France in the document. This answer did not make Hitler feel unhappy. Ten years ago, Hitler believed Germany must obtain more land from the direction of Eastern Europe. Seeing the Soviet Union implicitly express the hypothesis of launching an attack on Germany, Hitler was far from petty enough to get angry.

Looking at this diplomatic wizard opposite him, Hitler was still somewhat skeptical. "Ribbentrop, do you think Stalin will agree to sign a Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact?"

"Yes! My Führer!" Ribbentrop believed this trip might not be very smooth, but after seeing the latest news, Ribbentrop believed it could succeed. To persuade Hitler, Ribbentrop explained, "My Führer, Stalin not only relieved Tukhachevsky of his duties but also relieved the duties of Soviet generals who shared Tukhachevsky's concept of active offense. There is a rumor that Tukhachevsky joined an anti-Stalin conspiracy group, but I think this is fundamentally unimportant. The decision Stalin made only proves that the Soviet Union is not considering active offense in the short term and has extreme distrust for Britain and France.

"According to the Soviet plan, their third plan will be completed in 1943 or 1942. Before this, the Soviet Union will choose to avoid war. Based on the severe mutual distrust between the Soviet Union and Britain and France at present, the Soviet Union needs a Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact even more."

Hitler did not speak. He wanted very much to ask Ribbentrop if he knew what end Ribbentrop himself would meet if this visit did not achieve this agreement. But Hitler was willing to respect Ribbentrop, this diplomatic wizard. Although many people in Germany envied and were jealous of Ribbentrop, and thus spread various mockeries about him, and the European diplomatic circles mocked Ribbentrop for not knowing diplomatic etiquette, Ribbentrop had completed several unimaginable diplomatic achievements. That Hitler could toy with Britain and France in the palm of his hand was largely based on Ribbentrop's diplomatic results.

What Hitler needed most now was to completely persuade those weakling generals in the army. These generals were very worried that after launching the White Case to attack Poland, they would be attacked by France and the Soviet Union simultaneously. To persuade them, Hitler urgently needed to sign a non-aggression pact with the Soviet Union.

Finally, Hitler decided to entrust the heavy burden to Ribbentrop. "Ribbentrop, what kind of authorization do you need?"

Ribbentrop answered decisively, "My Führer! If the Soviet Union proposes border changes for territories originally belonging to Tsarist Russia, and brings up the Curzon Line demarcation again, I hope to receive these authorizations."

Hearing this, Hitler actually began to feel worried for Ribbentrop. Based on Hitler's impression of Russia, such a small price was unlikely to make Russia accept a Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact. Finally, Hitler gave oral authorization and let Ribbentrop prepare quickly.

The next day, Ribbentrop took a plane to Moscow. Upon seeing Molotov, Ribbentrop asked, "May I ask what views the Great Leader General Secretary Stalin would have regarding signing a Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact?"

Molotov was temporarily stunned. He never expected Ribbentrop would dare to ask this. A moment later, Molotov asked, "Why?"

Ribbentrop answered sincerely, "Out of respect for the Great Leader General Secretary Stalin, I believe Mr. General Secretary can believe in Germany's sincerity."

Molotov had heard that many times Ribbentrop would do some neurotic things... more bluntly speaking, appearing a bit mad from time to time. The Ribbentrop before him was obviously in such a state. But looking into Ribbentrop's blue eyes, Molotov saw... sincerity. Ribbentrop's bit of madness actually reinforced this sincerity. That was the unique persistence of someone risking everything. Thinking of the unusual calm shown after Germany failed to persuade Poland to join the German camp, Molotov decided to immediately convey Ribbentrop's original words to Stalin.

The next day, Stalin received Ribbentrop. After listening to Ribbentrop regarding Germany's sincerity for the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact, Stalin asked Ribbentrop to leave the German documents.

Hearing this, Ribbentrop immediately took the documents from his briefcase and handed them to Stalin's secretary with both hands. Seeing Stalin take the documents from the secretary, Ribbentrop took a step back, gave Stalin a German Nazi salute, and said loudly, "Great Leader, I express my highest respect for your foresight and wisdom."

The Soviet personnel around Stalin were all stunned. The respect expressed by the Soviet cadres most loyal to Stalin paled in comparison to Ribbentrop's reaction at this time. This feeling made the Soviet personnel suspect if Ribbentrop had some conspiracy.

Stalin frowned. He subconsciously wanted to light a pipe of tobacco, but felt that doing so at this time would appear timid. In Ribbentrop's blue eyes, Stalin saw the emotion of regarding death as returning home. That was not the impulse of Russians briefly forgetting death after a few mouthfuls of vodka. Ribbentrop's regarding death as returning home was the resolve to stride towards death while staring it in the face. In other words, Nazi Germany now wanted the Soviet Union to choose a side. Even if the Soviet Union did not choose Britain and France, as long as the Soviet Union did not choose Germany, the Soviet Union would inevitably suffer a German attack.

People who dared to face death directly and take the initiative to walk towards death were all madmen. A Nazi madman like Ribbentrop made Stalin even more certain that the current Soviet Union had absolutely no reason to go to war with Nazi madmen for the sake of Britain and France.

To not let Ribbentrop feel he was timid, Stalin sneered and said, "Heh, Germany has poured dung on the Soviet Union for so many years, please don't hypocritically mention friendship!"

After speaking, Stalin waved his hand, signaling Ribbentrop to leave. Ribbentrop saluted again and left Stalin's office without saying a word. Walking out of the office door, Ribbentrop felt Stalin was very interesting; Ribbentrop had not mentioned a single word of friendship just now.

At night, there was a knock on the door of the room where Ribbentrop was staying. Ribbentrop opened the door to see Molotov standing behind two Soviet internal affairs personnel who knocked. Seeing the door open, Molotov walked in and closed the door casually, leaving the Soviet internal affairs personnel outside.

Ribbentrop walked to his suitcase, took out two bottles of liquor from inside, "Mr. Molotov, there are only the two of us in the room. Want a drink?"

Soon, the two were drinking. Just as Ribbentrop expected, Molotov liked single malt whiskey rather than cocktails. After two glasses, Ribbentrop asked, "Out of Soviet-German friendship, I personally suggest that your country's citizens in Norway and Sweden can return home to visit relatives. I wonder if Mr. Molotov has any friendly suggestions for our German citizens?"

Molotov had thought Ribbentrop would ask about the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact, but he didn't expect this guy to skip this step and directly enter the secret pact stage.

To be honest, Molotov had always thought he would discuss secret pacts with the Chinese government, but reality was just this helpless; the Chinese government consistently avoided any discussion related to secret pacts with the Soviet side.

After drinking another glass of single malt whiskey, Molotov said, "The Soviet Union has very close traditional relations with the Baltic countries. I believe the Soviet Union has an obligation to protect the three Baltic countries."

Ribbentrop nodded, "Germany can fully understand the Soviet Union's concerns and agrees with the Soviet Union's concerns. There are so many Russian populations in the three Baltic countries."

The exchange was gradually determined in such a conversation. Finally, Molotov said, "Curzon was an imperialist!"

"I fully agree." Ribbentrop expressed agreement.