In Foreign Secretary Arthur's mind, a director of the Bank of France most likely should be a pot-bellied or skinny, shrewd businessman with broad connections and a body hollowed out by wine and women. Mr. Maboeuf before him looked more like a scholar—elegant and steadfast. Especially Mr. Maboeuf's expressed understanding of economics just now shocked Arthur greatly.

Whether it was Adam Smith, free trade, or national credit, the gold standard, fiscal balance—these terms were not unfamiliar to Arthur Henderson. It wasn't just Maboeuf or scholars from Cambridge University who used these terms. Whenever economic issues were discussed, the British upper class would more or less use one or two of these terms.

Mr. Arthur started as a foundry worker and later became the chairman of the Newcastle branch of the Iron Founders' Union. To become Foreign Secretary, one naturally needed relatively broad knowledge. After some remedial lessons, singling out these terms wouldn't leave Mr. Arthur completely ignorant.

The content discussed between Director Maboeuf and the British scholars wasn't just picking out certain economic terms. British Foreign Secretary Arthur Henderson could only vaguely feel that this combination was describing a certain economic state, but he couldn't understand what this economic state was trying to reveal.

This feeling made Minister Arthur uncomfortable. He knew he was different from his predecessor, British Foreign Secretary Austen Chamberlain, who came from a noble background, graduated from Trinity College, was proficient in diplomacy, and well-read in economic works. He indeed had significant deficiencies in the economic field.

(Neville Chamberlain, who served as British Prime Minister from 1937 to 1940, was the half-brother of former Foreign Secretary Austen Chamberlain.)

But saying nothing wouldn't do either. Arthur Henderson, hoping to achieve something in banning war, said to Director Maboeuf, "Mr. Maboeuf, I wonder if the French government would be happy to see world peace."

Director Maboeuf was stunned for a moment. He thought Minister Arthur meant that the continuous high growth of the French economy would break the political balance in Europe. So he replied, "Mr. Foreign Secretary, judging from historical experience, Britain generally adopts a rather conservative view when faced with the emergence of a strong economy on the European continent."

Minister Arthur interpreted this as Maboeuf desiring peace. If the French economic sector agreed with peace, Minister Arthur felt that the British foreign policy he had been promoting would receive a good response, so he continued to probe, "If France is willing to strongly support the League of Nations and support the International Disarmament Conference, the world will be safer."

Maboeuf was dumbfounded, wondering if he had heard wrong. Just as Director Maboeuf was about to continue probing, the private secretary standing beside Minister Arthur quickly spoke up, "Your Excellency, the BBC has new news. Do you want to take a look?"

Arthur cared about the situation in China, so he hurried to leave temporarily. Maboeuf became interested and detained Minister Arthur's private secretary, probing, "Britain wants to sign a disarmament treaty? Is the target the various great powers, or Britain and the United States?"

The private secretary complained about Minister Arthur in his heart. People from the Labour Party just didn't understand international politics; Britain was now seriously considering the possibility of using military means to influence Sino-French relations. Although a fight wouldn't break out in the end, making absolutely no compromise with France was the current priority. It wasn't that Foreign Secretary Arthur really didn't understand these things, but Arthur absolutely shouldn't say such words when facing the French; the French side would definitely try every means to exploit such an opportunity.

Thinking of this, the private secretary replied coldly, "Can your words be interpreted as Mr. Maboeuf having the power to manipulate the French Cabinet again?"

As a director of the Bank of France with 10 years of work experience in the British financial sector, Maboeuf naturally knew that British secretaries, as civil servants, were all sharp characters. Minister Arthur's private secretary first labeled him with 'capitalist interference in politics' in his reply. Maboeuf certainly couldn't admit that the Bank of France controlled the French government, so he could only deny such a possibility. Then next, Minister Arthur's private secretary could continue to ask: "Mr. Maboeuf, since you have no intention of manipulating the French Cabinet, what is your purpose in inquiring about this matter?"

Things developed just as Director Maboeuf expected. The minister's private secretary opposite him spoke almost word for word what Maboeuf had predicted, forcefully eliminating a matter that could very likely affect Sino-French relations.

Mr. Maboeuf could only smile at the minister's secretary, then turned and left. At this moment, a crowded circle appeared at the banquet venue. Mr. Maboeuf found it interesting and leaned over. Soon, he heard someone inside speaking English with a strange accent non-existent in Europe, conversing with the people surrounding him.

Hearing the voice, Maboeuf thought it was probably the Chinese representative, Mei Youqian. This guy was a consultant to the Chinese Ministry of Finance and liked his drink a bit; judging by his voice, he seemed to be in high spirits from drinking. However, as a consultant, what Mei Youqian said was just the words of a consultant and had little influence on politics. Standing outside the circle listening, although Mei Youqian was full of emotion, what he said were all economic concepts, which made Maboeuf admire him considerably.

There was nothing to pick on about a Chinese Ministry of Finance consultant expressing economic views. In Europe, this belonged to academic exchange, which was quite open and free. Unless Mei Youqian received an appointment from the Chinese Ministry of Finance shortly after this academic statement and became an official, Europe couldn't easily make an issue of his academic views, even if they weren't accepted.

"I really suggest you all read Chairman He's new book carefully. In the book *Guideposts in the Economic Maze*, Chairman He expounded a view that after Marxism appeared as an academic theory, it not only ended utopian socialism but also ended utopian capitalism. Before the birth of Marxism, capitalists came from several different sources. And whether they could be considered modern capitalists was also very doubtful. After the birth of Marxism, a clear definition was made for modern capitalists. All modern capitalists should set up a memorial tablet for the founding masters and worship Marx and Engels every day."

Laughter and applause came from the crowd—some mocking, some amused, and some attendees genuinely expressing support and agreement.

Mei Youqian didn't care at all and continued, "Only after the birth of Marxism did true capitalism and socialism appear. These two became two sides of the same coin, and the essence of the coin is the operation of capital. When the hazy guesses peculiar to utopian capitalism and utopian socialism are replaced by rational reality, capitalism and socialism will discover that there are so many similarities and so many differences between them. And opposing feudalism and the privilege system has become the common goal of both."

Maboeuf felt Mei Youqian had drunk a bit too much, getting carried away. Just as he wanted to turn and leave, he heard a young voice ask from within the circle, "Do you think the privilege system refers to colonialism?"

Maboeuf's body involuntarily trembled, and he stopped his steps. Although he couldn't see clearly who the young man speaking was, this question was too sharp and incisive. There were many contradictions between Britain and France, but both countries belonged to the same coin, the ancient coin of colonialism.

"What is the difference between a black slave and a black national?" Mei Youqian asked back. Although his voice still had that somewhat excited feeling after drinking too much, Maboeuf understood that knowing how to avoid sharp questions proved Mei Youqian showed absolutely no sign of losing control.

Everyone in the circle didn't answer. Mei Youqian gave the answer himself: "A black slave has no property belonging to him, so naturally no consumption power. A black national is legally granted the right to own private property. Normally speaking, the vast majority of normal people hope to own more private property and wealth. If they own it, they have the possibility of consumption power. Of course, possibility is just possibility and may not necessarily become reality. But with the possibility of increasing national consumption power, there is a chance to promote national economic development through consumption. Why is utopian capitalism utopian? Because utopian capitalism created the possibility that capitalism can control everything. In reality, such a possibility absolutely does not exist. Even if capitalists all over the world unite and cooperate fully, can they control everything in the world?"

As a member of the capitalists, Maboeuf felt these words were too heartwarming. The Bank of France possessed the right to mint francs, but the Bank of France only expected not to get into trouble itself. On the basis of not getting into trouble, if it could possess more influence, that would be quite good too. If it saw it couldn't solve a problem, it would quickly kick the trouble aside. Ruling the entire France—the Bank of France had neither such a desire nor had ever done so. But society insisted on believing the Bank of France was the mastermind behind France. Mr. Maboeuf now believed that anyone with such an idea was undoubtedly a 'utopian capitalist.'

At this moment, Mei Youqian's voice was particularly loud amidst the low chuckles around him. "And everyone doesn't need to worry about capitalists controlling the world. If such a thing really happened, then the proletarians of the world would also unite!"

A burst of explosive laughter erupted from the crowd. Because the listeners laughed too hard, there was some pushing and shoving among them. The previously neat circle became a bit crooked.

Through the gaps in the crowd, Mr. Maboeuf saw Mei Youqian in the middle raising his glass, elegantly saluting the surrounding audience, and then walking out of the circle. The crowd made way, and many people applauded, so much so that many people around looked over.

Watching the calm demeanor of this somewhat chubby young scholar, Maboeuf was filled with emotion. The current Chinese upper echelon had a confidence Maboeuf found hard to imagine. This was a confidence synthesized from military victories, economic development, institutional construction, and the rapid improvement of people's welfare.

If the previous Chinese people's expectations for a rich country and strong army were utopian, after He Rui led the Chinese people to truly achieve these, at least the confidence of the Chinese upper echelon rose unprecedentedly. As a citizen of France, a former world empire, Maboeuf could understand the changes in the Chinese upper echelon very well.

Like before, too lazy to explain to China, only demanding China obey the decisions of the great powers. Ignoring China's feelings was the greatest arrogance toward China. Now, no great power dared to treat China with such an attitude anymore. China had already changed the world. Relying on the effective use of its own strength, the Chinese had forced the world powers to choose to cooperate with China. The respect of the great powers for China was obtained through China's own strength. As long as the Chinese didn't give it up voluntarily, no one could take it away.