If a book wants to be recognized in France, one of the best ways is for personnel from the École Normale Supérieure to praise it to the French people. Zhao Tianlin was very confident when speaking at the ENS. Aside from the practical necessity for France, the vast majority of so-called economists in Europe at this stage could not yet understand He Rui's economic philosophy. For the French upper echelon and academic circles, since they didn't understand, if they couldn't avoid commenting, the only remaining choice was to praise. The reality of Sino-French relations did not allow the French upper echelon to remain silent on the relationship.

As for the quality of He Rui's new book, Zhao Tianlin had an extremely high evaluation. This was an economic work perfectly suited to China's current situation, proposing three things: rationalizing the relationship between enterprises and the government based on modern enterprise lifespans and economic cycles; rationalizing the relationship between the government, society, and the state based on cultural traditions; and rationalizing the definition of friends and enemies based on predictions of productivity development.

The different dominant economic forces, cultures, and industrial development levels between China and France meant that the content of this book could not be directly applied to France.

At the beginning of the lecture, Zhao Tianlin emphasized first, "There is a saying in China: 'Stones from other hills may serve to polish the jade of this one.' To use more philosophical language, for France, the methodology proposed by Mr. He Rui in his new book is the content most worthy of discussion."

Judging from the reaction to the lecture, Zhao Tianlin believed the basic quality of the students at the ENS was quite high. Even if they hadn't seen the idiom "carving a mark on the boat to find the sword," they understood that nothing should be copied mechanically.

When the lecture finished, during the Q&A session, the students raised a point. "May I ask, Dr. Zhao, do you think Mr. He wrote this work based on ideology? Or based on economic practice?"

Zhao Tianlin smiled slightly. "Is this student asking whether Chairman He views the economy deductively or inductively?"

The student who asked was stunned for a moment, then nodded vigorously. When he raised this question, he actually hadn't thought his question could be elaborated in a more concise way; such conciseness fit the aesthetics of intellectuals very well.

Zhao Tianlin continued to answer, "Economics is a discipline, but economics is different from natural sciences. The laws of nature probably won't change much, but economics relies on human society. Human society has been developing, especially with accelerated development in the past 300 years, so the internal logic and external manifestations of its economics have undergone tremendous changes. And every time a new mode of production gains dominance, the structure, culture, and morality of the entire society undergo tremendous changes. Therefore, the core of this book is neither ideology nor economic practice, but seeking the forefront of human social development."

The teachers and students of the ENS were somewhat moved; they hadn't expected Zhao Tianlin to evaluate He Rui's new work from such a height.

Seeing everyone's disbelief, Zhao Tianlin gave an example. "What is the basis for developing the economy—investment or consumption? In this book, Chairman He's understanding has surpassed traditional economic cognition, proposing a way to provide a development path for society. This development can cover the entire society to the maximum extent. On the execution level, the direction of investment can be judged. Having such a method of predicting forward-looking directions gives people a feeling of the deductive method. Chairman He did not take ideology as the starting point for writing, but as believers in the discipline of Marxism, we all believe that the development of productive forces is the fundamental driving force for social progress. Therefore, even if Chairman He is explaining economic practice in this book, he will still be considered to have a strong ideology."

Even for the teachers and students of the ENS, Zhao Tianlin's description indeed exceeded their current understanding of economics. However, following the scholarly approach of not criticizing blindly if one doesn't understand, the teachers and students said no more. The gaze toward Zhao Tianlin also showed obvious respect. That Zhao Tianlin, a Doctor of Harvard Law School, dared to confidently claim that Chinese economic cognition was at the forefront of the world, coupled with China's impressive rapid economic development, made the teachers and students of the ENS believe it involuntarily.

After the lecture, the principal invited Zhao Tianlin to his office to discuss the plan to visit the University of Marseille. Zhao Tianlin hadn't been to Marseille yet and wanted to see this most famous city in southern France with his own eyes.

The principal of the ENS didn't break his promise. After determining the rough itinerary, he made some arrangements and boarded the train to Marseille with Zhao Tianlin the next day. They chatted happily along the way. Just after getting off at Marseille Station, they saw that the other two platforms of the station were actually blocked by police. Some people carrying old cloth bags were being driven by police into some enclosed carriages. These carriages were obviously not for transporting people; the small window openings were reinforced with iron bars. When a carriage was full, the small carriage door was locked from the outside and reinforced with wire, obviously not wanting the people inside to come out freely. Among the onlookers, someone shouted "Go back to your countryside," the attitude obviously very unfriendly.

Seeing this, the principal of the ENS said nothing, just sighed slightly. Zhao Tianlin felt this might be the repatriation of foreign workers by France, which had been fiercely criticized by other European countries recently, and knew it was inconvenient for him to ask more.

The Marseille City Government sent a car to welcome the two scholars. When the car arrived near the City Hall, they saw many citizens gathering towards the City Hall, blocking the road in front of it. Zhao Tianlin felt this was a good opportunity to gain knowledge, so he opened the door and got out.

At this moment, several people walked out of the City Hall, dressed like city government staff. The leader was in his forties, with short hair and beard, looking very shrewd and capable. He stood on the highest steps of the City Hall gate, holding a microphone, and shouted loudly, "Citizens, please be quiet for a moment. The City Council has passed the tax required for enterprises employing foreigners, fifteen francs a month. Now the police station has also begun inspections, so citizens, you don't need to worry. Our French employment opportunities will definitely be provided to French citizens with the highest priority!"

Hearing this man, who was likely the mayor, say this loudly, Zhao Tianlin confirmed that France's expulsion of foreign workers was indeed serious. However, European countries couldn't do anything about this because the laws expelling foreign workers were actually enacted by the city councils of various cities, not by the French Parliament. If countries protested to the French government, they were obviously barking up the wrong tree.

If countries demanded the French government order the city councils to cancel these laws, the government of the French Third Republic could show the Constitution of the French Third Republic to European countries. In the French Constitution, each city had a considerable degree of autonomy. As long as the city councils didn't use violence or plunder against nationals (subjects) of other European countries in France, the French government or Parliament could do nothing about the city councils.

A burst of cheers came from the citizens of Marseille, and the atmosphere on the scene quickly became much more peaceful. At this time, newspaper boys carrying bags of newspapers shouted loudly along the street, "Latest *Le Petit Journal*, latest recruitment ads. Want to see the latest recruitment ads, come buy *Le Petit Journal*."

Many people in the crowd immediately turned to the newspaper boys and bought newspapers one after another. Soon, the thick newspapers in the newspaper boys' bags were sold out. Those who got the newspapers walked to the sidewalk across the street, opened the newspapers, and flipped through them. Others leaned in to watch together, pointing at the newspapers.

In Zhao Tianlin's impression, recruitment information in European newspapers was the same as in Chinese newspapers: small boxes with the name, address, and position of the recruiting unit written inside. A few days ago in the Netherlands, Zhao Tianlin had seen recruitment ads in Dutch newspapers; not many companies were hiring. Dutch people left immediately after seeing the latest recruitment information, presumably rushing to apply. But the citizens of Marseille obviously spent more time picking and choosing among the recruiting companies, having no impulse to apply immediately.

There was only one reasonable explanation for the gap between the two countries: employment opportunities in France were far more sufficient than in other European countries, and what the French public expected at this stage was no longer simply having a job; they needed more attractive jobs, or at least jobs more suitable for their needs. Looking at the slightly lazy citizens of Marseille, Zhao Tianlin became curious about the current situation in Anglo-Saxon countries instead. And Zhao Tianlin didn't consider another thing: Anglo-Saxon countries were also curious about Zhao Tianlin's appearance in France. Especially Britain.

On May 10, in *The Times* office on Fleet Street, London, the editorial team responsible for Asian news was discussing the possibility of whether Zhao Tianlin had brought a diplomatic mission to France. However, correct conclusions couldn't be drawn from mere speculation unless Britain sent reliable spies to obtain intelligence. The topic shifted from this meaningless matter to the more valuable British relations with China.

"Gentlemen, since the current government is not satisfied with the three Sino-British joint communiqués, why have they made no progress in the expected fields?" Deputy Editor Johnson raised the question.

The reporters and editorial team of *The Times* were of a very high level; many figures in British politics had once worked at *The Times*. The question Johnson raised was sharp and hit the nail on the head. Normal trade indeed met Britain's needs, but what was most important for Britain was the strategic benefits France had already obtained, endorsed by China's development, providing support for the British currency.

The editors nodded one after another. Without the economic crisis, Britain didn't fear France. The work of the British media was to constantly stigmatize France in various countries over time. But now it was an economic crisis. Although the French economy standing out alone in Europe indeed triggered dissatisfaction among European countries, facts spoke louder than words. It was precisely this outstanding economic performance that turned the emotions of European countries toward France from disgust to envy, jealousy, and hatred. Only when one truly admitted the other party was strong would emotions of envy, jealousy, and hatred arise. This meant Britain's long-term media offensive to stigmatize and belittle France had been thwarted.

Johnson continued, "Now France's economic development is changing the situation on the European continent. Since the new government has never raised this view, then let us raise it. Which gentleman is willing to write this editorial?"