Churchill was carried to the gallows.

During his time as Prime Minister, he had imagined he would face death with the unruffled composure of an aristocrat. But that belief had begun to crumble the moment the Nuremberg Tribunal categorized the British colonial massacres as crimes—as crimes against humanity, war crimes, and murder. Churchill realized then that everything he had strived for would be nailed to the pillar of shame.

He attempted to maintain a veneer of dignity while his death sentence was read. But when his appeal was rejected and he was led to the gallows in prison fatigues, Churchill began to struggle.

The executioners were strong men. Though he resisted, they soon subdued him. As he was pressed onto the trapdoor and the noose slipped over his neck, Churchill finally broke. "Please, spare me!" he sobbed.

The hands holding him suddenly let go. For a fleeting heartbeat, Churchill felt a sense of relief, imagining his plea had found purchase. In the next instant, the executioner pulled the lever. The two trapdoors beneath his feet swung downward. Churchill plummeted into the empty air, brought up short by the rope.

He was a heavy man. The impact of his falling weight caused the stout cord to emit a faint creak. The sisal fibers, produced on a former colonial plantation in Southeast Asia, were exceptionally strong—the rope was smooth, supple, and more than capable of bearing twice his weight.

The force of the drop snapped Churchill’s cervical vertebrae, killing him in moments. He was left to hang for ten minutes to ensure the deed was done. His body was then lowered, certified dead by a coroner, and handed over for burial.

Immediately, the next condemned man—the British Colonial Secretary—was led into the chamber.

It must be said that the hanging of these once-mighty figures did not trigger an extraordinary public reaction. The true shock had occurred during the qualitative phase of the trials; once the crimes of colonialism were established, Churchill was seen merely as one of many perpetrators and executors. He was no longer unique.

The trial of an era holds value; the individuals within that era are often insignificant.

On August 14, 1946, one month after Churchill's execution, a referendum was held in the former United Kingdom. Before the war, the home population had been around 44 million. Despite eight million casualties, the return of colonists from Australia and Canada had actually pushed the population to 45 million.

The referendum concerned the future of the nation's political system. European observers expected Britain to become a republic. However, the outcome was a surprise. Due to the massive loss of men, the home population now consisted of 25 million women and 20 million men. Among eligible voters, women numbered 18 million to the men's 11 million.

The result: 80% of female voters supported the retention of the Monarchy.

French observers remarked with typical acidity: "While men create systems, it is women who are the truly conservative backbone of institutions."

A near-identical result occurred in Belgium, where over 80% of women also voted to maintain the monarchy.

The Chinese government offered no comment. China sought to destroy colonialism and imperialism; whether a nation chose a monarchy or a republic, socialism or capitalism, was its own concern. Beijing saw no necessity in intervening in such matters for the sake of global revolution.

The primary issue facing the Li Runshi government was not the European referendums, but the fact that under the He Rui administration, 70% of China’s population had already become urbanized.

A census in March 1946 revealed a population of 752.19 million, with 526 million living in cities and towns. The industrial demands of the Second World War had pulled this vast multitude into the secondary and tertiary sectors.

With the war over, shifting industrial demand and the demobilization of millions of soldiers placed immense pressure on employment. Whether to persist with urbanization became the center of a fierce policy debate.

Li Runshi himself was not a fan of a policy that saw over 80% of the people in cities. He believed investment should be funneled into underdeveloped regions rather than widening the gap and forcing migration to high-investment zones. The Chinese people, as the masters of socialism, should go to every corner of the nation that required their labor and construction.

But Li met with significant opposition, even from his own supporters. These comrades argued that the industrial path He Rui had set required the concentration of population in cities.

"Chairman He’s vision for the future was that during high-speed growth, the people move to the cities to earn wealth," they argued. "During economic fluctuations, they might return to the countryside. But the rural areas and small towns cannot provide high wages, social services, or a modern social environment. The people will inevitably leave them again for the great metropolises.

"Fleeing the city, and then fleeing *back* to the city—in this cycle, the traditional rural model will continue to dissolve, eventually resolving the urban-rural divide once and for all.

"Our task is to prioritize the creation of a social environment and system within the large cities that befits an industrial age, while strengthening industrial clusters. To accelerate investment in the countryside now would be a massive waste of efficiency."

Li Runshi had anticipated this confrontation. While many spoke of a "reckoning," they often framed it as a struggle of good versus evil. In Li’s view, the struggle was between "Efficiency First" and "Equity First."

The He Rui era had undeniably prioritized efficiency. Even though the social security systems were successful and the rights to labor and education had elevated the people’s productivity and intellect, the problem of inequality had become severe.

This inequality permeated every aspect of life. Li did not believe they should persist with the efficiency-first line; the time had come for an equity-first approach.

Since the opposition used He Rui’s views as their starting point, Li turned the Chairman’s own words against them: "Is the plummeting birth rate caused by this efficiency-first policy a result we are forced to accept?

"In my view, we are far from the stage where we must sacrifice demographic development! Equity is the guarantee of long-term efficiency. Before the war, we had no choice but to prioritize efficiency. But that urgent need is gone; the priority of equity is now the greatest demand of our time."

The internal debate raged until the Second Plenum in 1947. In 1946, China’s economic growth hit 11.4%. These stellar figures proved that domestic demand and resilience were such that many in the efficiency faction found it impossible to sustain their stance.

Furthermore, six months of debate over a single major policy had left most of the leadership exhausted.

At the Second Plenum, a compromise was reached. The "Equity Faction" led by Li Runshi pledged to fully execute He Rui's industrial development plans. In return, the "Efficiency Faction" supported Li's "Universal Development" (Equity) proposal.

Li Runshi was a great Materialist, yet he was also an idealist. He viewed He Rui as an Idealist, solely because He Rui’s autocratic style—that "this will work if we just do it" approach—was an Idealist mode of governance.

The success of one or two genius Idealists can influence the world, but it can never change it. He Rui’s autocratic model could ensure thirty years of success, yet because that success could not be replicated, any successor attempting to continue it would inevitably lead the nation to disaster.

Li understood now why He Rui had insisted on supporting him. Only true Materialism was the correct path. He Rui knew this, yet before 1946, it had not been his primary mission.

As a Materialist, Li had analyzed He Rui and reached a high-risk decision. For a genius Idealist like He Rui, his views in certain fields did not affect the nation's fundamental direction; thus, Li could risk accepting his industrial planning.

In March 1950, Li Runshi was smoothly re-elected as Party Chairman. During the Fifth Five-Year Plan (1946–1950), the Chinese economy grew at an annual average of 12.9%. Supported by this explosive growth, the equity policies yielded significant results, though they left little impression on the public at the time.

The economic boom inspired a fierce confidence in the people, leading them to believe that all progress was natural and that a fairer environment was a right, not the result of state effort.

It was in this same year that the American Civil War finally concluded. In mid-1947, a massive federal offensive had seemed poised to shatter the Confederacy. However, the mobile and guerrilla tactics implemented by Major General Dan in the North had taken hold. Resistance from the local populace inflicted unsustainable losses on the federal supply lines daily.

The USA was forced to pull its main strength back to the border for "pacification" operations. By early 1948, the North had even resorted to a "Three-Alls" policy in the border regions: "Kill all, loot all, burn all."

When the Confederacy published evidence of these war crimes—particularly the captured "Three-Alls" directives—the world was in an uproar.

In truth, the moment the federal army was forced back to the border, its original strategic plan had failed. The Southern industrialists, initially lukewarm in their support, recognized this and recommitted themselves to the cause.

By late 1948, the Confederate National Army had annihilated the federal heavy formations within their territory in two major campaigns, pushing the front back to the border.

On April 17, 1949, the North launched another massive offensive aimed at the Southern heartland. Yet after fierce combat, they failed even to achieve a tactical breakthrough, let alone their strategic goals.

On September 12, 1949, the Confederacy, utilizing the fully mobilized border states, launched an offensive into the West named "Eagle of the Rockies." By October 20th, they struck Salt Lake City, the North’s largest Western logistical hub.

On November 2nd, Salt Lake City fell. Almost none of the northern defenders escaped. Eight divisions of the Black National Guard from the four northwestern states entered the fray, engaging the Southerners in mountain warfare and finally stalling their advance.

On November 6th, as the Western campaign ended, the South launched "Operation Hurricane" in the East. Their goal was to seize the key passes of the Appalachians and bisect the eastern USA, setting the stage for a final decision.

Operation Hurricane culminated on January 10, 1950, with the conclusion of the Second Battle of Gettysburg. Supported by a superior air force, the Confederacy defeated the federal army at a massive price.

But双方的战斗力都已经到了极限。 (But both sides had reached their limit). The Dewey government hinted to China that it desired mediation, while simultaneously threatening the Confederacy with nuclear strikes.

China did not propose a plan to split the country. Instead, responding to the needs of both sides, it mediated a "One Nation, Two Governments" peace.

First, only one nation—the United States—would exist, composed of the forty-eight states.

Second, the nation would possess two domestic governments, North and South, each joined by their respective states.

Each government would elect its own President. These two Presidents would alternate power every four years, representing the government of the United States of America.

While the result was a formal split, the governments and scholars of the world did not view China as having divided America. Any serious academic understood that China was merely the mediator. Had any other power taken the role, the nation would likely have split permanently into USA and USB. The Chinese solution was a "brake" on the disintegration.

Though a total split seemed likely in the future, for now, a veneer of peace and unity was maintained. As a mediator, China had done its absolute best.

In 1955, Li Runshi was elected to a third term as CCP Chairman. The Sixth Five-Year Plan had just concluded with an average growth of 11.1%.

The European Recovery Plan, conducted jointly by China and Europe, had also finished. Over ten years, Europe had received 92 billion CNY in aid—finance, technology, and equipment. 90% had been grants, 10% loans.

In return, the European nations signed agreements allowing Chinese equity in their firms. China gained technology, while its holdings provided the basis for industrial cooperation. This ensured European firms a stable share of the global market, providing the twin engines of reconstruction and development.

From 1945 to 1960, Europe and the world enjoyed fifteen years of uninterrupted high-speed growth.

In 1962, Western Europe began to experience simultaneous economic stagnation and inflation. In 1963, the United States faced the same crisis.

Beyond the industrial powers, the rest of the world also hit a bottleneck after two decades of rapid development.

In 1964, the latest Chinese census revealed a population of 1.00894 billion—making China the first nation in history to surpass one billion people.

By 1965, the Western industrial powers, plagued by two years of stagflation, feared the end of capitalism was at hand. They looked to the Chinese elections, hoping this nation of a billion could step forward and solve the global economic crisis.

The despondent Western academics even proposed: "Marx defined modern capitalism and thereby created the true capitalist system. China chose Marxism; it thus has an obligation to provide a new solution!"

In 1960, the West had mocked Li Runshi’s fourth term. In 1965, they remembered he was the comrade He Rui had trusted most—a great revolutionary, politician, and philosopher. They looked forward to his re-election, hoping he would utilize the brilliance He Rui had so admired to solve the world.

In 1965, Li Runshi was elected to his fifth term. On that day, whether in daylight or darkness, people gathered around their radios and televisions. They waited for the live broadcast over the Chinese-led global satellite network to hear the newly elected Chairman’s speech.

Twenty years had passed since He Rui’s death. Though the world lived in the reality he had created, the man himself seemed to have been forgotten.

Rapid growth had accustomed people to rising incomes and convenience. They had no heart for remembering a creator. The name He Rui only endured because it appeared on a few questions in history exams.

Only the living could solve the problems of the present. Unless He Rui rose from his grave, few gave him a second thought. The world waited for the man who held the greatest power to announce his solution.

Li Runshi knew the weight of the billions of expectations resting upon him. At this moment, he found himself thinking of He Rui. Some things require time to prove their value.

Nineteen years ago, he had accepted He Rui’s industrial plans for the sake of internal unity. Now, his assessment of the man had shifted. Not regarding Idealism or Materialism—the more he learned, the more certain he was of He Rui's Idealism. And the more he feared the threat it posed.

Fortune and misfortune are intertwined; the higher one climbs, the harder the fall. Had He Rui wavered for even an instant in his political arrangements, the China he had pushed to the pinnacle might have been dragged into a terrible abyss by that very same status.

Over the past twenty years, Li had struggled against the first generation of leaders and the constant surges of Idealist thought. With prosperity had come individualism and consumerism. Though he had never intended to create a "correct lifestyle," practice had forced him to provide one for the people to choose. It was a turn he had never expected.

Many opposed him; many supported him. Amidst it all, He Rui’s positive influence remained.

In hindsight, He Rui’s judgment at every critical juncture had been correct. Yet the driver of those judgments had not been Materialism, but subjective imagination. He Rui was so powerful that he had achieved success and correctness, yet he had never broken the boundary to become a true Materialist—a truly great man. The thought always left Li with a sense of profound regret.

He looked at his speech notes, stood, and walked toward the rostrum.

The next step would be completed by all those who continued to move forward. Li Runshi possessed that confidence.