On January 27, 1946, the Dewey administration of the USA reached an agreement with the Chinese government regarding the independence of Hawaii and Alaska. The United States acknowledged the right of the peoples of those two regions to determine their own futures through referendums; in exchange, China stated that it did not currently recognize the Confederate States of America (USB) as an independent nation.

While many Americans cursed the Dewey administration as traitors who had sold out national interests for personal gain, the Northern elite did not oppose the President. Upon the signing of the agreement, Dewey immediately summoned the recalled General Marshall—now Chairman of the Joint Chiefs—along with the Air Force Commander and Admiral Nimitz to the Oval Office.

The three senior officers wasted no time on pleasantries. They fully supported the President’s decision. America’s primary task was reunification, and for that, they required a strategic window. Only China could grant such a window to the USA. To earn that chance, a deal had to be made.

Hawaii and Alaska were not states of the Union. To trade such peripheral interests for the recovery of the forty-eight states of the mainland was, given America’s current strength, a stroke of immense good fortune.

President Dewey, a man who had built his career on fighting organized crime, was known as a tough and proactive politician. Yet during this meeting, he mostly listened in silence as the three commanders outlined their plans.

Currently, the USA consisted of only twenty-one states, while the Confederate forces held twenty-seven. Despite the numerical disparity, the industrial and economic strength of the North far outstripped that of the South.

The leadership of the Army, Navy, and Air Force all agreed: the worst possible outcome would be a long, drawn-out war. The optimal path was to shock the Southern leadership into returning to the Union. This required a demonstration of power that would leave them staggered.

Once the briefing concluded, Dewey spoke: "Proceed with the plan immediately. The federal government will grant you its full support."

"I would also ask that you invite the Southern leaders to a meeting, Mr. President," Marshall proposed, outlining the first step of the Joint Chiefs’ plan.

"I shall travel to Montgomery myself," Dewey answered frankly.

The expressions of Marshall, Eisenhower, and Nimitz turned solemn. For the President to enter the Southern states at this time carried the very real risk of being detained. That Dewey was willing to risk his person for the sake of unity spoke to a formidable courage.

Of course, Dewey had never known fear. As a prosecutor, he had relentlessly hammered the mob and survived numerous assassination attempts. Only a man of such mettle would dare enter the dragon’s den.

Word soon reached the USB elite that Dewey was requesting a meeting in the South. The grandees were a mix of tension and dismissal. Generally, they were inclined to reject the visit.

Only Chief of Staff General Bourbon insisted on accepting. Even knowing Dewey’s intent was to talk them out of independence, he argued that receiving the President of a foreign power with full honors would be a propaganda victory for the South.

But Bourbon had another motive he kept to himself. The Confederate General Staff had initially assumed China would not stand by and watch the USA reunify the South. In American culture, creating trouble for one's enemies was common sense. With the nation split, a mere hint of Chinese pressure would keep it divided into three. Bourbon could not fathom why China had abandoned this leverage over the North simply for the sake of referendums in Hawaii and Alaska.

But since China *had* done so, Bourbon had to prepare for a bloodbath with the North. Since Dewey dared to come, he surely brought some momentous threat. Bourbon wanted to know exactly what his rival was capable of.

On February 4th, the Confederate States formally invited President Dewey to visit. As his plane touched down in Montgomery, the airfield was lined with Southern crowds waving the Confederate Cross. When the short-statured Dewey emerged from the hatch, the crowd roared, waving their banners and singing the Confederate anthem.

Gazing out at the sea of blue, white, and red, Dewey felt no anger. His mission was to negotiate with the Southern elite; once that was achieved, he had no other needs.

At the conference table, the Southern leaders were arrogant. Dewey ignored the slights, merely inviting the South to send reliable representatives to observe a nuclear test.

At the mention of "nuclear weapons," most of the Southerners were confused. But General Bourbon’s expression flickered. He had heard rumors that during his final term, Roosevelt had indeed been developing a weapon of unprecedented power, though the details had been sparse.

Having delivered the invitation, Dewey endured two days of cold mockery and ridicule from the Southern leaders with extraordinary patience. He told himself he was merely dealing with a group of mobsters who considered themselves legitimate. In his experience, such men eventually ended up in his courtrooms, facing decades of hard time.

During those two days, the Southern elite used every means to gather intelligence on the "atomic bomb." But the Oak Ridge site, part of the Miami Project, had been firebombed by the Chinese Air Force using thermobaric weapons. Only a handful of scientists and high officials had reached the safety of the deep bunkers; the vast majority of workers and technicians had been vaporized.

No matter their efforts, the Southerners could obtain no valuable data. Ultimately, they had no choice but to agree to send observers.

Dewey then stated his condition: "I do not care what rank or status your representatives hold. My only requirement is that they be men you trust implicitly. For what is about to happen will exceed your wildest imagination."

Hearing Dewey refer to them simply as "The South," most of the Confederate elite shot him looks of disdain; a few simply spat on the floor.

Seeing his mission accomplished, Dewey had no intention of remaining for further insults. He rose and said, "Farewell, gentlemen."

Watching his small figure depart under the escort of his massive bodyguards, some of the Southerners considered killing him then and there. But as high-ranking officials, they knew he had come as an invited guest. Murder was out of the question—publicly, at least. Many hoped someone else would act according to the American tradition of local vendettas and take the President out in private.

But no such attempt occurred. Dewey’s plane took off safely and landed in Washington. Once back in the Oval Office, he unleashed a torrent of abuse against the "Southern slave owners."

His cabinet joined in, eager to see the Southern elite flayed alive. For the first fifteen minutes of the meeting, the room was filled with nothing but the most creative and vulgar vitriol.

Once the air had been cleared, the Secretary of State presented the list of other nations invited to the test. At the top was the Soviet Union, followed by France, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium, and the other members of the ECSC. Even the West German government was on the list, though the cabinet doubted they would have the courage to attend.

Beyond the Soviets and the ECSC, invitations had been sent to the Eastern European nations. This was a clear attempt to "pry at the foundation" of the Chinese sphere. China’s frontier currently consisted of Hungary, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia.

Although Turkey did not seek an alliance with Beijing, it relied on Chinese support against the USSR. Thus, the Secretary of State argued that while America’s nuclear program had been shorter than China’s, they had to demonstrate that the US possessed a power that could potentially protect these nations.

On February 16th, the delegations from the USSR and the ECSC (minus Germany) arrived in America.

The US had planned to demonstrate the weapon on February 18th. But in the early hours of February 17th, the US Seismological Bureau detected a new signal. It was similar to the seismic waves triggered by previous Chinese nuclear tests, with its source right at the surface.

But the intensity of this tremor was vastly greater than any previous test. The scientists who had survived the Oak Ridge bombing looked at the data and simply refused to believe it.

The Eastern European representatives and the other foreign observers who had come to witness China’s test of a Hydrogen Bomb felt as if they were in a dream. The mushroom cloud from the megaton-level blast and the ring-clouds spanning dozens of kilometers left the military experts among them feeling as if their minds were no longer sufficient to the task.

With the global war so recently concluded, these men understood the power of explosives. But this was beyond common sense. They truly realized how terrifying a nuclear war would be.

With existing technology, it was impossible to "erase" a city spanning dozens of kilometers. Even with unlimited conventional ordnance, the defenders could fight on through underground tunnels and utilize the ruins as perfect cover for guerrilla warfare.

But the Hydrogen Bomb China had just demonstrated could "wipe away" an entire city. And with the city, every human soul within it—from the head of state to the common citizen—would be indiscriminately turned to ash.

Even if the leadership reached a deep bunker, the capacity of such shelters was limited. The army would have no chance. A head of state who commanded fewer than a thousand men was a leader in name only.

Seeing the deterrent effect had been achieved, Li Runshi invited the guests to a banquet. There, he declared with resonance: "China has always been a guardian of civilization, not its destroyer. Our future responsibility is to prevent war and promote peace, not to launch conflicts that would once again lead humanity toward destruction."

The words did not truly move the foreign representatives. Nations newly liberated from colonialism knew the nature of Great Powers well. They were accustomed to industrial leaders and their propaganda organs preaching peace while preparing for war.

They did not believe in China’s peaceful rhetoric. After all, the recently deceased He Rui had conducted the largest war in history, completing a magnificent global expedition in just four years.

Li Runshi understood their skepticism. He continued with even greater force: "The Chinese government announces to the world: China will never be the first to use nuclear weapons, and will never use them against non-nuclear states. We shall strictly control the proliferation of nuclear weapons and ensure they never fall into the hands of those who seek war. China has acted thus in the past, and shall act thus in the future—steadfastly maintaining world peace!"

Hearing such an explicit and unprecedented commitment, the nations were truly moved. In the thirty years since 1915, while the He Rui government had fought many wars, its international credit was impeccable. Every conflict had been clearly explained, and the reasons never hidden. Even in victory, China had fulfilled its promise not to expand its territory by a single inch.

With Li Runshi’s public pledge, there was at least no precedent for doubting its reliability.

The news was reported worldwide. President Dewey read it, his lips moving as if in silent curse, though no one could hear the words.

Despite this "strike to the head," Dewey did not alter his schedule. On February 18th, when the atomic mushroom cloud rose over the US test site, the foreign observers looked on with strange expressions. They were indeed touched, but not terrified by the strength America had displayed.

Dewey’s primary target, however, was not the foreigners. He studied the sallow faces of the Southern representatives for a moment, and seeing the naked fear they could not hide, he felt a surge of pure joy.

These detestable Southerners were all wearing the insignia and nameplates of the Confederate States. Many had the Confederate flag sewn onto their hats. Whether meeting USA officials or foreigners, they immediately presented business cards headed with "Confederate States of America." Their insolence had left Dewey disgusted.

Now, as he watched them reduced to "humming and hawing" in their interactions, Dewey felt a satisfaction beyond words.

At the dinner, Dewey announced: "The American government is willing to protect all peace-loving nations. This is our tradition."

One foreign journalist could not contain himself and shouted: "Mr. President, do you think the Indians and the Black people would accept that view?"

Though America was strong, everyone knew it had just been beaten by China. Isolated by two oceans, it lacked the means to project power into Europe. The各国 delegates couldn't help but smile at the reporter's question.

The American officials’ faces soured, but they were powerless. Dewey remained composed. He answered loudly: "In protecting its citizens, the American government has indeed faced many conflicts. These have led to tragedies.

"But such things occur in the history of any nation. Chinese history records countless massacres; two thousand years ago, China committed the crime of burying 400,000 prisoners alive in a civil war. Such war crimes are common to all nations.

"Human progress lies in experiencing suffering and then moving forward. In America today, Black people have gained citizenship. The Indians possess reservations where they hold full administrative and judicial authority, completely free from federal interference.

"Progress has made America a beacon of civilization and a benchmark for human morality. America has always been willing to provide peaceful protection to other nations; so long as they face aggression or oppression and request our aid, we shall come to them.

"This is the American tradition and the ideal we uphold. Gentlemen—past, present, and future—America will stand firm for world peace."

Diplomatic rhetoric is always polished. Dewey did not believe his own words, but he was sincere in offering a "Nuclear Umbrella" to the invited nations.

Since their defeat, American scholars and elites had been reflecting on the causes of failure. One key conclusion was that America had failed to lead a security agreement for the North Atlantic economic circle. Before the war, Britain and France had blocked American influence in Europe, forcing the US to support Germany to break the deadlock. Now, Britain and France were weak, and Germany was shattered and occupied by China and the USSR.

The strategic situation in Europe was dire. They faced an aggressive neighbor in Russia and an extra-regional power in China. The American elite believed Europe desperately needed a force to balance the influence of those two.

Of course, Dewey’s "umbrella" was not a selfless gift. If Europe wanted American protection, they had to stay out of the US Civil War. The Northern elite knew that with their current industrial base, they might not be able to produce even one atomic bomb a year. The bomb was a deterrent for the South and for any nation daring to intervene.

In a meeting of his core cabinet, Dewey stated firmly: "Whoever dares to split America, we shall fight them to the end!"

On February 20th, the Confederate representatives returned south with a mountain of fresh photos and film.

In this nuclear test, USA federal army generals and colonels had basically come to watch. Seeing the immense power of nuclear weapons, these federal officers felt their morale surge, replacing their previous hesitant despondency. Some of the less intelligent officers even asked if they could use nuclear weapons to defeat the Chinese.

Such fools were left to the military to handle. Dewey had accepted the independence of Hawaii and Alaska precisely because he had seen secret reports that China had long possessed nuclear weapons but chose not to use them.

This meant America could not win a conventional war, nor a nuclear one. They had already suffered from Chinese missile attacks. The US military had begun its own R&D into ballistic missiles and nuclear warheads.

The cabinet agreed that the military's plan was feasible, provided the technical hurdles were cleared. Yet they also knew that with China's lead, they would likely miniaturize warheads for missiles far sooner than the US—if they hadn't already. America’s best option was peace with Beijing.

On February 27th, the Dewey government quietly proposed talks to the Southern government. Two days later, on March 1st, the Southern government, calling itself the Confederate States of America, low-key agreed through secret channels.

At the negotiations, the USA representatives were assertive. They stated clearly: "If necessary, we shall not hesitate to use the atomic bomb against those splitting America. Unless you refuse to concentrate your forces, a single bomb will annihilate any rebel army within dozens of kilometers!"

Faced with such a blatant threat, the Southerners erupted in curses. But there was a difference in their tone; they were cursing the air, using "f***" without a direct target. It was the mark of men who were truly afraid.

The federal negotiators then softened their tone. "...The rights of the American states are protected by the Constitution. Regarding strategic choices and military budgets, we agree that the states should have a greater say."

Aside from historical grievances, the primary driver for secession was the price the South had paid for Roosevelt's New Deal and the prospect of funding a massive federal defense line in the North. They simply refused to bear the fiscal burden.

Hearing the federal side offer flexibility on this point, the Southerners finally began to talk seriously.

Meanwhile, at Confederate Headquarters, Lieutenant Colonel Dan spoke with an exhausted yet powerful voice: "Gentlemen, I stand by my assessment. If war breaks out, it will be a conventional war, not a nuclear one. According to our intelligence, under Roosevelt, the federal government used nearly a third of national electricity to produce nuclear material.

"To that end, the power from Hoover Dam was funneled entirely into research. Now, Hoover Dam is under our control. The Yankee power plants have been repaired, yet they still face severe shortages for civilian and commercial use. This proves that their production speed is slow!"

Dan slammed his hand on the table. "Gentlemen—to fight or not to fight, I shall obey the General Staff. But I can guarantee: if we strike now, the North’s production and supply are at their absolute weakest. I have said my piece!"

The room was silent, save for the sound of heavy breathing.

After a long pause, General Bourbon spoke: "I shall relay this assessment to the Congress. As for their choice... I, for one, believe we should strike now!"