The news of Marshal Cheng Ruofan visiting an industrial enterprise taken over and operated by a workers' association quickly caused a sensation in Germany. This was particularly true of the published photograph: the Marshal was not in the center, but in a secondary position.

The core, most prominent area of the photograph was occupied by male and female workers. They wore the common attire of their class, stained with oil and dust. The men wore flat caps, the women headscarves. Against a backdrop of factory machinery, both men and women stood straight, their gazes resolute.

The photograph itself radiated the sentiment that "the workers possess the power." In the accompanying news report, Cheng Ruofan’s praise for the unions' organization of production and participation in management felt to the broad German working class like a sudden beam of sunlight piercing a cloudy future.

In the old Germany, the working class could never hope to control the means of production. Now, with the bourgeoisie having suffered a crushing blow, the workers found that by joining a union, they could secure employment—a prospect far better than anything they had known before the war’s end.

While most workers lacked the courage to act immediately, they hoped someone else would try. Soon, encouraged by community organizers, groups of workers began returning to the industrial zones of their cities to see if any operational factories remained.

Cheng Ruofan’s visit had been calculated specifically to encourage the German people to take this path. At this stage, Germany’s industrial machinery and machine tools had been largely devastated. After all, it was a Chinese-led offensive, and Cheng held absolute confidence in the combat effectiveness of his air force and his own command.

But this was no longer an obstacle. Even if the number of salvageable German machine tools was insufficient to restart industry, Chinese firms were currently operating at full capacity, and the shipping lanes from China to Europe were wide open.

In January 1945, work had officially begun on the project to widen and deepen the Suez Canal, as per the treaty between China and the Republic of Egypt. By October, thanks to China’s formidable engineering prowess, the canal had been widened to 800 meters with a maximum depth of 15 meters.

Ten-thousand-ton vessels now traversed the canal without hindrance, and cargo ships exceeding 40,000 tons could pass with ease. Trade between China and Europe was no longer a problem.

In fact, the West German Administrative Committee led by Cheng Ruofan had already placed a massive volume of orders. The first cargo ships were already in the Mediterranean and were expected to reach Germany by early November.

The West German elections concluded on October 15th. No single party emerged with an overwhelming majority: the German Communist Party (KPD) secured 24% of the vote, while the Social Democratic Party (SPD) took 27%.

In the history of German elections, because their voter bases overlapped significantly, the SPD had always been the KPD’s primary rival rather than the reactionary parties of big capital.

This time, the majority of the KPD membership were veterans of the World People's Liberation Army, many of whom had been educated in Chinese universities. Overnight, the party conducted an analysis of the voting patterns.

While the KPD's rivals feared the power of the Chinese occupying forces and dared not openly brand the Communists as traitors who had "invited the wolf into the house," they had all hinted at it during the campaign.

The analysis revealed that of those who voted for the KPD, half were traditional supporters, while the other half were the families and relatives of former Nazi Party members. To gain more support and achieve full governance, the KPD had to win over the SPD voters.

Having determined their future direction, the KPD discussed their immediate course of action. Under the German electoral system, only a party or coalition holding a majority of seats could form a cabinet.

Judging by the composition of their respective bases, the SPD was unlikely to poach KPD voters. Therefore, seeking a coalition with the SPD was the best strategic choice.

After deliberation, the KPD took what appeared to be a dangerous step, issuing a public statement: "Germany requires immediate reconstruction. Rather than exhausting our strength in inter-party strife, we should cooperate and begin the work at once. Therefore, the German Communist Party proposes the formation of a coalition government with the Social Democratic Party."

The decisiveness of the move stunned the nation. Combined, the SPD and KPD held 51% of the vote—enough to form a cabinet. In the past, German parties would have engaged in a lengthy period of political haggling and complex trades of interest.

To the ordinary German, party politics was synonymous with the "dirty transactions" of politicians. This perception had been a major factor in the Nazis' rise to power.

The KPD statement offered the public the possibility of a clean and efficient solution. While many still harbored reservations about the Communists, they felt that this election might actually bring about change.

But the SPD was an old, established party. In their view, the KPD was merely angling for benefits, and they had no intention of being out-maneuvered.

Party politics has its own internal logic, and from that perspective, the KPD’s statement was highly unwise. As the second-largest party, failing to court other factions to secure a majority was a serious error.

Furthermore, the KPD's move intensified the sense of crisis among the smaller parties. If the two giants joined forces, the minor parties would lose all opportunity to join the government and secure posts.

Utilizing traditional political maneuvering, the SPD prevaricated with the KPD while vigorously courting the smaller factions. By October 22nd, the SPD announced it would form a coalition with four other parties, representing 53% of the vote—enough to form a cabinet.

The KPD was not surprised. The distinction between friend and foe is sometimes decided not by oneself, but by the enemy. With the nationalization of land, the political forces supporting the traditional Junkers had lost their economic base entirely.

Extremist parties were barred from the ballot. A 53% coalition meant that 47% of the parties were now the opposition. How to coordinate within that 47% became the KPD’s immediate focus.

Politics is built upon an economic foundation, and here the KPD held the advantage. The German people had always viewed the KPD as supporters of a people’s regime and a socialist path. Establishing worker-managed production enterprises was the KPD’s home turf.

Soon, KPD members were fanning out to the grassroots to begin their work. At this time, all German firms faced a common problem: a lack of equipment. This was true for the worker-managed firms as well as those aligned with the SPD.

When a massive influx of Chinese equipment was unloaded in German ports, the KPD-controlled enterprises secured priority for loans and equipment through the tendering processes. As they rapidly resumed production, their supporters gained income and their confidence stabilized.

On November 16th, a formal request for a referendum was issued in Alsace and Lorraine to determine whether the two regions would remain within Germany.

Alsace and Lorraine were German-speaking, yet their populations had leaned toward France for two centuries and had spent most of that time as French territory.

Regardless of the "class" of their ticket, France had secured its place among the victors. As a victor nation, France sought to decide the ownership of the two regions through a popular vote.

The French government had first made this demand to He Rui while he was still alive. At the time, France had been unwilling to intervene personally, so He Rui had given no definitive answer. Now, France had reached an agreement with the Li Runshi government and was prepared to act.

This placed the SPD-led coalition government on the hot seat. The French had proposed more than just a territorial claim; they had offered an agreement for a European Coal and Steel Community. If the German government agreed to the referendum, France would sign the ECSC pact, formally ending the state of war between the two nations.

To discuss the matter, the SPD government had to bring it to a vote in the Reichstag. Several parties within the coalition immediately announced their firm opposition. The alliance began to fracture.

The SPD was forced to lobby intensely, but both their coalition partners and the right-wing opposition were united against them. Many parties declared they would withdraw from the government if the SPD accepted the French demands.

Cheng Ruofan watched with detached interest. He saw that despite the immense pressure, the SPD did not abandon the resolution that offered a strategic escape from Germany’s isolation.

Strategically, a Franco-German alliance would form an economic bloc capable of dominating Western Europe, fundamentally altering the continental balance of power. For the SPD to persist was a good thing for Germany.

But every political decision carries a price. Especially after the SPD had branded the KPD as a party that "sold out German interests," their own current position made their voters see them as the true "traitors" ceding national territory. This image was devastating for the SPD.

Cheng had initially expected the SPD to buckle under the weight of public opinion. Politically, they were well within their rights to do so. But realistically, the move was unavoidable, for France had secured China's tacit approval.

In his instructions from the Chinese government, Cheng had been told that if Germany did not accept the referendum, France would dispatch troops to Alsace and Lorraine. So long as the French military did not exceed those borders, the Chinese forces were to remain inactive.

On November 27th, the SPD forced the motion onto the Reichstag floor. The nation was in an uproar. The coalition partners all voted against it and publicly announced their withdrawal from the government.

Left with no other option, the SPD turned to the KPD, requesting the formation of a coalition. The KPD did not hesitate and immediately voiced its agreement.

The SPD then played a final trick. On December 1st, just before announcing the dissolution of the government, they brought the motion to the floor again. This time, with KPD support, the "yes" votes reached the required threshold.

Having secured the vote, the SPD then abandoned all talk of dissolving the government and continued to rule as if no prior promises had been made.

The KPD rank-and-file were furious, but the Central Committee had reached a consensus. Even if the KPD took power now, they would be unable to prevent Alsace and Lorraine from returning to France. Furthermore, from the perspective of national interest, a rapid return to the European economic system was the only way to solve Germany’s dire economic crisis.

The Committee members suppressed the anger of their followers. While their newspapers hammered the SPD's political maneuvering as "vile and shameless," they funneled all their energy into economic development.

The political caliber of the KPD finally earned Cheng Ruofan’s recognition. In subsequent industrial orders, he began to favor them significantly. After all, the KPD stood with the German working class, while the SPD leaned toward the bourgeoisie. In choosing between the two, Cheng found he had little alternative.

On December 26th, the seemingly settled contradictions in America erupted with sudden violence. The US Constitution could be amended with a two-thirds majority in both houses followed by approval from three-fourths of the states. Faced with an amendment that would effectively transform the federal government into a confederation, the Northern congressmen finally closed ranks and voted it down. The constitutional reform failed.

Though the Southern Confederates had proven timid in the past, they knew that the failure of the amendment meant the end of any peaceful resolution.

Faced with no alternative, the South resorted to military struggle. Twenty-seven states issued the "Declaration of Happiness of the American States" in Montgomery. Regardless of its flowery name, the document’s content was clear: the twenty-seven states no longer recognized the federal government. Henceforth, they would act toward the "happiness of their own peoples" as the Confederate States of America.

The twenty-seven states established three new military staffs—Army, Navy, and Air Force—coordinated by a Joint Chiefs of Staff. Major General Bourbon was appointed Chairman of the Joint Chiefs.

Eleanor Roosevelt had not expected such a decisive response. Her cabinet had analyzed that after the constitutional failure, the South would find other means to pressure the government. After all, the Confederates had been so close to success; they only needed another lever.

Now, there were no other possibilities. Of the forty-eight states, four were Black-dominated. Twenty-seven had formed the Confederacy (USB), and the remaining seventeen remained within the USA.

The world was in an uproar. America had split not just into USA and USB, but with the possibility of the four Black states forming a "USC." A once-mighty global power had vanished, replaced by three distinct political entities in an instant.

Upon receiving the news, Cheng Ruofan immediately recalled He Rui’s prediction of a "USC." Sitting at his desk, he began writing his analysis. Although a fire blazed in the fireplace, he felt a sudden chill. After decades of service, he had never expected to feel so world-weary.

Realizing this, he felt a deep regret. He Rui was gone; even at a momentous time like the splitting of America, there was no one with whom he could truly and joyfully discuss the event.

*When there are no heroes in the world, meddling children make their names.* Cheng had once thought he might be one of those "children," but now he saw the entire world as a makeshift operation. He was certainly not the worst among them.

After a period of despondency, his sense of duty reasserted itself. He picked up his pen and resumed his report. Over the past thirty years, He Rui had never flagged in his work. It was a quality Cheng admired and one he felt he must emulate. As a Party member and a civil servant, he had a mission to complete.