The European leaders who had come to pay their respects did not scatter once the ceremonies ended. They had arrived with heavy political mandates. With the war having reached its current stage, even a power like France was severely depleted and naturally sought to define its new position in the future world economic system.

The Li Runshi government did not disappoint. It proposed three major initiatives: the establishment of the United Nations, the World Bank, and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT).

Following the First World War, the League of Nations had been formed, giving non-Great Powers their first platform for a global voice. Compared to that era, the world now saw a new hegemon that had essentially defeated all rivals.

The core of the UN Charter was the principle that national sovereignty should not be violated and that all nations were equal. This served the interests of the many small and weak nations. While middle powers were displeased, they could not go head-to-head with the alliance of the superpower and the small states and were forced to agree.

Then came the matter of the permanent members of the UN Security Council. Establishing permanent seats with veto power within an ostensibly equal system seemed contradictory, yet it was a decision rooted in realist logic. Only a consensus among the powerful could resolve the world's most significant problems.

China was a certainty. Britain and France were no longer global colonial powers, and with Britain currently reduced to the British Isles alone, it was excluded.

Africa was under Chinese trusteeship, so its inclusion as a permanent member was not currently considered. South America had a small population and had not participated in the war; no nation truly sought a permanent seat for that continent. This left the Soviet Union and France as the leading candidates.

As a major socialist power, the USSR enjoyed support from many nations. France’s status, however, was met with considerable skepticism. Li Runshi found himself forced to personally lobby on France's behalf.

The most vehement opposition to France did not come from Europe, but from Asia. Nations in Europe and South America generally hoped for more permanent members—on the principle that "more mouths make for more noise." With three or more permanent members, they hoped to have more opportunities to veto Chinese proposals.

Li Runshi went first to see the Japanese Prime Minister, Ishiwara Kanji. Japanese premiers served four-year terms, and Ishiwara was currently in his fifth, a record for the longest tenure in Japanese history.

Among all the foreign leaders who had come to mourn, Ishiwara was the one who had wept openly in public. No one questioned his sincerity; his close personal friendship with He Rui was well-known. It would have been more surprising if he *hadn't* cried.

Ishiwara had no intention of using his friendship with the late Chairman to pressure Li Runshi. He simply stated frankly, "Given Japan's contribution, we have every reason to seek a permanent seat."

Li Runshi did not attempt to persuade him through argument. Instead, he produced a letter and handed it to Ishiwara. The Prime Minister recognized the familiar handwriting on the envelope immediately. He sat bolt upright; he had heard that He Rui’s death had been sudden and had not expected the Chairman to have prepared a letter for him.

Thinking of their decades of friendship, Ishiwara’s eyes reddened again. He closed them for a moment to steady his emotions before opening the envelope.

In the letter, He Rui spoke of the damage his physical tissues had suffered following his infection with the coronavirus, assessing that he might die at any moment. Seeing He Rui’s equanimity in the face of death, Ishiwara felt a profound surge of respect.

He Rui then addressed the matter of the UN Security Council. Permanent members bore the responsibility of maintaining global security and were required to shoulder the corresponding military costs. At present, every nation was fully armed, but as time passed, military expenditures would inevitably become a crushing burden.

He Rui did not directly ask Ishiwara to do anything. He merely posed a question: was Japan prepared to pay the costs that were not yet visible?

Ishiwara understood He Rui's meaning without it being stated. Japan sought a permanent seat to expand its global influence, while He Rui doubted whether Japan would use that power to stir up trouble.

Despite their deep personal bond and the fact that Japan was currently China's ally, such things could not be allowed to interfere with China's strategic layout.

Had He Rui still been alive, Ishiwara might have tried to press the point one last time. While he believed in Li Runshi's strength, he couldn't help but ask, "What is the purpose of France becoming a permanent member?"

"France will check Germany," Li Runshi countered. "Whom does Japan intend to check?"

At that, Ishiwara was certain that Li Runshi was a true strategist. Strategists consider the situation, not personal preferences. Still, Ishiwara made one final attempt: "Does China intend to personally intervene in every issue?"

Li Runshi answered without hesitation: "In the maintenance of world peace, China will spare no effort and will handle matters personally."

Ishiwara nodded and abandoned the effort to secure a permanent seat for Japan. That same day, he announced Japan’s withdrawal from the competition.

Korea had also been lobbying for a permanent seat, even as they ignored the private mockery of other nations. Their goal was simple: to ensure Japan did not get one. Seeing Ishiwara’s announcement, the Koreans immediately fell silent.

Having secured his core allies, Li Runshi turned to the other objectors one by one. His first European meeting was with the Netherlands. The Dutch were an old face in Asia; he had expected them to firmly oppose France, but to his surprise, the Dutch Prime Minister asked bluntly about the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC).

Li Runshi went straight to the point. "The Coal and Steel Community is an institution for equal internal dialogue. There is no question of any single power dominating it. If one must speak of a dominant force, it is the demands of the market. Within those demands, Europe represents a large market, but the global market is far larger. GATT will help European nations gain access to that global market."

This was Li Runshi’s genuine stance, though to the ears of the former colonial Dutch, it carried a touch of irony. However, with the Chinese-led coalition having battered the globe, the Dutch Prime Minister chose not to be overly fastidious.

His second question concerned the definition of "enemy" within the United Nations. Germany was now a broken dog. The UN Charter had already specified that colonialism, Nazism, Fascism, and racism were the enemies of the victors of the Second World War.

Defining an ideology as an enemy was a terrifying prospect, as such things could easily be expanded. The Dutch government was willing to sacrifice a few individuals to ensure the nation's tranquility, but they were unwilling to give up too much—or rather, they were unwilling to allow others to exploit the opening.

Li Runshi smiled. "China too has its various currents of thought, and we too have people with extremist ideologies. The issue at this stage is determining whether these currents are harmful to the peaceful development of humanity. Even within Germany, we cannot say that the desire to resist foreign oppression is inherently wrong. What is wrong are the methods employed.

"More importantly, China believes the world requires peaceful development. Only by building a new world order conducive to such development can everyone truly abandon war as a means. Where there is oppression, there is resistance. There is an old Chinese saying: 'Injustice leads to a cry.' China opposes war, but it does not oppose resistance. We do not even oppose being questioned or opposed on many matters. Only through full communication and struggle can global development truly be advanced."

The Dutch Prime Minister wasn't sure whether to take Li’s words as a threat, but since China had not proposed the overthrow of the Dutch government or the rejection of the monarchy, he chose to accept the stance.

At the conclusion of the talk, the Prime Minister stated, "We do not oppose France gaining a permanent seat, but we oppose an imperialist France."

In his exchanges with other European leaders, Li Runshi found their attitudes mirrored those of the Dutch. They weren't necessarily opposed to France, but they feared French suppression of other nations. However, both Western and Eastern European nations shared a further concern: that China might lean too heavily toward the Soviet Union. The Eastern European leaders, in particular, were terrified of the USSR. Thus, these nations hoped for a power within Europe to balance the Soviets.

Ideally, that power would be China. If China refused, then France would do—or even Germany.

He Rui had discussed these matters with Li before his death, so Li understood the European mindset perfectly. Now, having had full contact with them, he had a very grounded realization: the civilization level of the European nations was roughly equivalent to China’s early Warring States period.

Intense, prolonged confrontation forced nations to seek breakthroughs. Two thousand years ago, China’s Warring States period had been an era of "a hundred schools of thought contending," a time of cultural explosion. Similarly, the universal loathing for continuous war and death had created the intellectual foundation for the subsequent era of the unified Qin and Han empires.

Exhausted, Li Runshi went to find the former Premier, Wu Youping. Wu was currently keeping vigil for He Rui. In his will, He Rui had requested a simple funeral with no specific requirements, and asked that the public not be disturbed.

The government had published the will but proceeded with a nationwide mourning period anyway. This was done for the sake of the government itself, not for He Rui. Such is the cruelty of politics: where there is an interest, it will be executed.

Wu Youping was at the edge of the mourning hall, watching the television broadcasts. Legitimacy is the foundation of any regime. The Manchu Qing had lasted over two hundred years, yet it was viewed as "barbaric" by Japan, Korea, and Vietnam, and as an alien race within China. When it fell, it did so like dust, and a lack of legitimacy was a primary cause.

Allowing everyone in China with a television to see He Rui’s remains was one means of reinforcing New China’s legitimacy. The desires accumulated through decades of suffering by the Chinese people—He Rui had fulfilled them. The goals pursued for millennia—He Rui had achieved them. Even problems the people had not yet realized, He Rui had articulated and addressed to the best of his ability.

With such achievements, even if He Rui had declared himself Emperor, no one could have stopped him. But his greatness lay in his ability to recognize the times, and thus he had pioneered new concepts. From start to finish, he had insisted on one thing: he was merely one member of China's vast laboring masses. "Serving the people" was the legal and historical foundation of New China.

Seeing Li Runshi approach, Wu Youping went to meet him. In a side room, Li asked a single question: "Premier, do you believe China’s industrialization has been 'tender and compassionate'?"

Wu Youping shook his head. "Industrialization is never tender. New China’s was merely more efficient than Europe’s, so the initial period of pain was shorter. Many didn't even have time to feel the suffering before the era of cruel high accumulation ended."

Li Runshi shared this view but hadn't been entirely certain. Hearing Wu’s confirmation gave him more confidence. "Do you have a new realization, Chairman Li?" Wu asked.

"Not a new one, just a deeper acceptance of this view," Li replied with a sigh.

In an era of high-intensity conflict, it was only natural for a rising Europe to have beaten the Manchu Qing into the dirt. But after He Rui founded New China, the nation was transformed. Li believed He Rui hadn't just "repaired" China; he had truly dragged it into the industrial age. Regardless of whether the Chinese people were happy about it, he had thrust them into an industrialized life by force.

The Soviet Party was much the same, but He Rui’s economic genius was such that what should have been a bloody and cruel industrialization, while still a form of paternal coercion, appeared tender and compassionate in comparison.

Li summarized his thought: "At least the people received the dividends of national development."

Wu Youping shook his head slightly and sighed. "The state possessed the capability to deliver those benefits to the people. Now that the Chairman is gone, I feel his economic insight and execution even more clearly."

Li Runshi shared the sentiment. In the Second World War thus far, China had suffered one million dead and three million wounded. In the final years of the Qing, the regular army’s casualties had never been so large. Furthermore, the Qing had possessed no capacity to bear such losses, and thus was nailed to the pillar of shame.

New China had endured these casualties without a single public negative repercussion. The reason, as Wu had said, was that He Rui had already made good on his promises to the people. The returns they received far exceeded their imagination or understanding.

Just then, voices could be heard from outside; it seemed the staff were trying to prevent something. Wu Youping walked to the door and saw the staff struggling to help up members of the public who were kneeling and kowtowing in grief.

Wu sighed but did not intervene. He turned to Li Runshi, who had also remained silent. "Chairman Li, in the future, as the people's capabilities grow, they will realize even more clearly what the Chairman did for them. I only hope this realization does not become a trigger for future conflict."

Li felt his burden grow heavier. Wu was right. He Rui had pushed the input-output ratio to such an extreme that future Chinese citizens would truly realize how he had created a global market led by China. When the economy eventually entered a downward cycle, many reactions would not be positive.

*When the direction is wrong, the more knowledge one has, the more reactionary they become.* The thought flashed through Li’s mind. He hesitated to voice it, however; in the absence of an active struggle over the political line, highlighting such contradictions would not aid unity.

Finally, Li spoke: "Premier, according to your observations, do the people feel panicked?"

Wu Youping sighed. "Perhaps what the people find most confusing is that they feel they *should* be panicked, yet they can find no reason to be."