He Rui’s death came with shocking suddenness. At 10:00 PM on April 9, 1945, He Rui was taking a bath at his residence. The medical personnel on constant standby nearby caught the faint sound of a pained groan from the bathroom.

Ever since He Rui had contracted the coronavirus—which had severely damaged his physical functions—the state had established a specialized medical team dedicated to his care. Hearing the noise, the team members immediately attempted to call out to him. When no answer came, they burst through the bathroom door to find He Rui collapsed in the tub.

Despite the speed of their intervention, they could not save him. By the time they initiated emergency resuscitation, he was already fading. While the ambulance rushed him to the hospital, he was effectively biologically dead. Upon arrival, the assembled team of medical experts could only confirm his passing.

The core members of the Li Runshi government rushed to the hospital. At the moment they beheld He Rui’s remains, some felt as if he were merely sleeping. Because the staff had provided basic post-mortem care, Li and the others did not see the face that had been contorted in pain moments before his death.

He Rui had received a haircut just two days earlier; his short hair was neat and tidy. Fresh from his bath, his skin was smooth, and he radiated a faint, pleasant scent. Lying so quietly on the hospital bed, he appeared serene and at peace. It seemed as if he might stir and wake with a few calls to his side.

No one spoke; no one wanted to. The senior members of the government stole glances at the successor, Li Runshi.

Just then, a familiar voice shouted from behind them: "Out of the way! Let me through!"

Former Premier Wu Youping had arrived a few minutes late. He was in such a state of agitation and shock that he had cast aside all decorum. No one took offense; the crowd naturally parted to let the old Premier through.

Wu Youping stumbled toward He Rui, grabbing his arm. He could still feel a trace of warmth in the body. He shook the arm, pleading, "Chairman, wake up. Wake up..." But the body merely swayed limply under his touch, its movement fundamentally different from that of a living person.

At this sight, Li Runshi, whose eyes were already rimmed with red, finally broke into sobs. It was no act; even a man of his immense internal strength could not reconcile the concept of death with the man who was He Rui.

This was a man who could commit tens of millions of soldiers to war with a flick of his finger, a man whose words could fundamentally alter the world’s economic order. He Rui, who had personally resurrected China through his own strength, possessed a power so absolute that his death felt as surreal as the fall of a god.

Seeing the god who had walked the earth finally fallen, unable to answer the calls of his closest comrades, Li Runshi’s mind and body finally accepted the reality. An overwhelming sorrow welled up from within, and he wept aloud.

As if catching a signal, the other members of the Central Committee and the government began to sob as well.

Wu Youping shook He Rui for a while longer, but when no response came, his legs gave way. He sank to the floor beside the bed, his face drenched in tears.

It was a moment of profound grief. Most of the members of the new government were not so cynical as to be unaffected; they were human, and they experienced the same cycle of denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance.

And because it was He Rui, simply realizing that the man they had spent every day with was truly gone required not only time, but a considerable amount of courage.

At 1:00 AM on the 10th, Li Runshi ordered the formation of a funeral committee. The New Chinese government made no attempt to conceal He Rui’s passing. The day after the committee was established, Li Runshi, in his capacity as Chairman of the committee, announced the death to the world and publicized the plans for a state funeral.

At the end of the announcement, Li stated definitively: "The war to liberate the entire world has not concluded. Neither China nor the peoples of the world pursuing liberation have the time to wallow in the grief of losing a great leader. The task of the new Chinese government is to win this war of liberation completely, and we *will* fulfill our mission."

Due to the time difference and the need to verify the news, Hitler received the report at noon on the 11th, local time. After hearing Martin Bormann’s full briefing, a smile—unseen for a long time—spread across Hitler’s face.

He Rui was younger than any of the other major Great Power leaders of the Second World War. The late FDR, Hitler, Stalin, and even the imprisoned Churchill were all more than a decade older than He Rui. President Pétain of France, born in 1856, was thirty-four years He Rui’s senior.

Yet He Rui had entered the political stage early, and his seniority was immense. In 1916, when Pétain gained fame for his success at the Battle of Verdun and was promoted to general, He Rui had already replaced Zhang Xiluan as the General of Zhen’an.

The title of General of Zhen'an was not merely a military rank; it was the political leadership of the Northeast and Mongolia. At least nominally, He Rui was the supreme military and political leader of a region encompassing three million square kilometers and twenty million people. Even in 1945, such a population and territory would qualify a nation as a middle power.

Thus, Hitler had always felt that He Rui was a mountain weighing down on his head, an obstacle he could never shake. In this desperate moment, he had even approved Himmler’s suggestion to conduct mystical rituals of curse.

While he didn't truly believe He Rui had been cursed to death by the former chicken farmer, Hitler nevertheless felt as if a great weight had been lifted. With the mountain of He Rui removed, he momentarily felt he had no more rivals in this world.

This sense of joy was shared by many in the Euro-American leadership circles. Even the leaders of European nations that had joined the Chinese-led liberation camp felt a sense of relief.

Over the past thirty years, He Rui had left an impression of overwhelming pressure upon the world. Compared to him, Li Runshi’s presence was far more ephemeral. He was not nearly as well-known as the old Premier Wu Youping, the scholar-statesman Zhao Tianlin, or the "Five Tiger Generals" who had all been promoted to Marshal.

The leaders of various nations assumed that Li Runshi would be easier to handle than He Rui. While they had no concrete proof, the sentiment was universal.

Field Marshal von Manstein, the Acting Chief of Staff of the German General Staff, did not join in the celebration. He couldn't even fathom why his colleagues were happy. But he had no time to dwell on the matter, for Heydrich had come to visit him—an unusual occurrence.

Heydrich was as cold as ever. He asked immediately, "Does the Wehrmacht still possess the capability to execute mobile operations within Germany?"

Manstein shook his head frankly. "Our supplies are clearly insufficient to support the planned mobile war."

During the Polish campaign, Heydrich had rushed to the front and utilized his influence there to barely secure logistical supplies. But that was his limit. Now that a Polish government had been established, Heydrich no longer had the power to mobilize the Poles against the Russians.

However, the experience of cooperation had brought Manstein and Heydrich closer. Manstein was now willing to believe that when Heydrich spoke, he was being serious and that his views were worth discussing.

Having confirmed the Wehrmacht’s inability to conduct mobile warfare, Manstein waited for Heydrich's reaction. He saw Heydrich’s composure finally waver, a look of hesitation and distress surfacing beneath his cold exterior. After a long silence, Heydrich finally asked, "Marshal, do you believe nuclear weapons should truly be used?"

"Has the test blast been successful?" Manstein asked in shock.

Heydrich shook his head, the internal struggle more visible on his face. Manstein knew all about the Nazi leadership’s obsession with nuclear research. Hitler believed nuclear weapons were the "miracle weapon" that could turn the tide of the war. Not only Hitler, but the party elite and even many high-ranking Wehrmacht officers shared this fantasy.

Seeing Heydrich’s hesitation, Manstein felt a new level of respect for him. Manstein firmly believed that nuclear weapons could not save Nazi Germany at this point.

Germany had begun its nuclear research earlier than either the US or the UK. Before the collapse of Britain, a group of British nuclear scientists had fled to Germany with their data. Furthermore, since China had not struck the Atlantic passenger lines, a few German-American scientists who had participated in the Manhattan Project had also returned home.

With the aid of Anglo-American technology, German research had broken through its bottlenecks, and a test device had been completed.

Manstein had seen the intelligence and reached two conclusions. First, China had likely already completed its own nuclear weapons. Second, He Rui was well aware of their power and was thus extremely cautious regarding their use.

Trusting Heydrich more now, Manstein asked, "Are you worried that the probability of Li Runshi using nuclear weapons will increase?"

Heydrich nodded helplessly. "Li Runshi has completed every step of the power transition, proving he holds the authority. Now that He Rui is gone, what Li lacks is not legitimacy, but an opportunity to make the world realize he is as powerful as He Rui. Marshal, do you believe Li Runshi now has the chance to earn a reputation as a 'strongman'?"

Manstein felt a wave of resignation, yet the chance to discuss strategy seriously gave him an impulse to speak his mind. If Li Runshi could solve the German issue cleanly and suppress the United States, it would be proof enough of his power.

The late Field Marshal von Reichenau had held a very high opinion of Li Runshi, viewing him as a man who understood strategy and politics, and who displayed intense initiative and aggression when a choice was required—possessing all the qualities of a top-tier leader.

Based on Reichenau’s assessment, Manstein answered Heydrich's question: "I believe Li Runshi will not let such an opportunity pass."

Manstein then asked the question that had been on his mind: "Do you believe Germany will be occupied?"

"It will be worse!" Heydrich replied despondently.

Manstein was momentarily confused. He viewed China as a civilized, highly moral nation. If there was anything worse than occupation, it would be a massacre—which he did not believe China was capable of. "Worse?" he pressed.

"Yes," Heydrich answered. "Being occupied by one nation is bad enough. Worse than that is being occupied by multiple nations."

Manstein understood immediately and sighed. "The Soviet Union and France?"

Heydrich shook his head. "The Soviet Union. France lacks the strength for a long-term occupation, and China will not allow them to dismember Germany anyway. From an economic perspective, Germany is too valuable; if France controlled the southern German economy, it would be detrimental to China. But China cannot truly block the Red Army. I believe Stalin knows this well, which is why he continues his bold offensive."

Manstein couldn't be certain of this judgment, as his understanding of economics was limited, while Heydrich built his future projections on economic foundations.

However, Manstein agreed with the underlying military logic: with He Rui dead, the Soviet Union’s courage would naturally surge.