When news reached China that American Southern grandees were accusing the new President, Eleanor Roosevelt, of hating Black people and practicing racism, many Chinese followers of international news were momentarily speechless. Soon, a flurry of satirical jokes was born over tea and dinner tables across the nation.

While the public could afford to view the matter with such leisure, the Chinese leadership enjoyed no such luxury. Many comrades felt the situation could be exploited, yet they were uncertain of the specifics.

Li Runshi, the newly appointed Chairman of the Party, the State, and the Military Commission, had already formed his own views, yet he still sought an audience with He Rui. By this time, He Rui had moved out of No. 7 Renmin Road—the official residence of the National Chairman. Since he no longer held public office, his departure was only natural.

He Rui’s new residence was near Huayuankou. The environment was pleasant, and he stayed at a hotel overlooking a small lake, a setting that was truly relaxing.

Because the historical flooding of Huayuankou by Chiang Kai-shek had never occurred, and thanks to years of continuous management, the condition of the Yellow River had vastly improved. He Rui was currently in communication with young scholars from the Northern Environmental Management Committee.

Over the years, China had made significant progress in northern governance. Previously, He Rui had been responsible for policy formulation and did not issue direct tasks. During that phase, had he done so, it would have inevitably attracted a crowd of "academic tyrants" using his name to monopolize resources. He Rui harbored no affection for those who seized resources for themselves.

Now, finally possessing the opportunity, he was directly selecting outstanding "techies" in fields such as botany, desertification control, and solar photovoltaics to assign specific missions.

Li Runshi, possessing a higher emotional intelligence than He Rui, did not bring up the American situation first upon his arrival. Instead, he praised the progress of the Sanmenxia-Xiaolangdi silt control project. The Yellow River was thick with sediment, and one aspect of the project involved spending considerable funds to develop specialized sand-sieving and dredging vessels.

Initially, many had failed to understand this design. It wasn't until the project was completed, just as China’s massive infrastructure boom began, that the dredged sand became a highly sought-after building material. The dredging vessels also provided excellent yellow clay for the topographic modification of the riverbanks.

Although the initial costs were seen as high, Li Runshi recognized that this round of infrastructure development would likely last twenty years. Once spread over two decades, the "exorbitant" costs became entirely acceptable.

"Chairman, perhaps in twenty years, the Yellow River will no longer be a 'suspended river' above the plains," Li Runshi remarked, looking forward to the future ecological benefits.

"My personal ideas are far wilder than yours," He Rui replied. "I hope to restore the Yellow River to its course of three thousand years ago. Furthermore, I want the Sui Dynasty Grand Canal restored. Ideally, we should dig out the ancient Yunmengze marsh and deepen the great lakes of the South." He paused, then added, "Also, begin planning a canal for Guangxi to reach the sea in the near future."

As a private citizen, He Rui knew he shouldn't speak this way. A retired official carries less weight than the one currently in power; as the wielder of authority, these were decisions for Li Runshi to make, not for him to take orders from He Rui.

Sure enough, Li replied sincerely, "I would ask the Chairman to draft a report on these matters."

He Rui laughed. "Heh. As expected, Comrade Runshi remains reliable."

Li Runshi smiled as well. He knew He Rui was not a man who misunderstood power. But having just stepped down from the leadership, He Rui would likely take some time to adjust.

Seeing that He Rui had no more to say on the environment, Li finally asked for his views on the recent changes in America.

He Rui smiled. "Has the advice we provided to the Black people reached them?"

This work had begun before He Rui’s handover, and within the system, he still maintained the highest level of information clearance. For Li Runshi to brief him on state affairs was no violation of protocol. "It has reached them," Li answered.

"Then it depends on whether the Black veterans are brave enough to struggle. Present-day America does not require a military struggle; even those Southern grandees know to play at politics. The situation for the Black people is excellent. As long as they can implement the policy of being prepared for military conflict while pouring every effort into political struggle *before* they are attacked, they have a great chance."

Li Runshi found his views aligned with He Rui's and felt relieved. With that issue settled, he moved to a new puzzle. "Chairman, why did you previously believe that the government would face a major crisis regarding the Marriage Law?"

"In Chinese culture, national governance is always prone to the use of pan-moralistic models. Marriage laws easily become a disaster zone for such thinking. Furthermore, as industrialization deepens and social management reaches the grassroots level, the Marriage Law becomes a case of an 'upright official trying to judge domestic affairs.' It would be strange if it *didn't* cause trouble. At this stage, many seek to use pan-moralism to gain a voice for themselves.

"Comrade Runshi, your stance is firmly based on labor rights. I am a little worried that you might be led astray. A gentleman can be deceived by what appears to be a righteous principle. Haha."

Seeing He Rui laugh at the end, Li Runshi felt a momentary flash of irritation. He suppressed it, however, knowing that his strengths lay in political and military struggle. He Rui was also a master of both, but his greatest strength was economics—and the future development He Rui spoke of was centered precisely on the economy.

Previously, He Rui had little opportunity to tease his comrades. Now, freed from the burdens of office, he no longer cared. Once Li had composed himself, He Rui continued his explanation.

"Comrade Runshi, I will make a prophecy for you. Within fifteen to twenty years, the divorce rate will skyrocket. What do you think the reason will be?"

"...Is this a matter for political discussion?" Li asked, finding it hard to accept. From a revolutionary perspective, if people couldn't live together, they could of course divorce, but such a thing was still very difficult for the people of this era to reconcile with.

"I only wish to ask from a political angle," He Rui countered. "Do you believe the Marriage Law should be adjusted based on the principle of equality, or the principle of reciprocity?"

Li’s first impulse was to answer "equality," but having grown accustomed to He Rui’s way of thinking, he was forced to consider "reciprocity." After a moment of frustrated thought, he threw up his hands. "Please, Chairman, analyze it for me."

"If we follow the path of equality," He Rui explained, "then upon divorce, assets are split exactly down the middle. The higher earner must provide alimony to the lower earner after the split."

Listening to this, Li Runshi realized he had seen similar proposals. Within a government, no one is willing to jump out and express a sharp opinion on such matters, so they had gone unremarked. But Li knew that while this was indeed "equal," He Rui had said many times that the most equal policies often lead to the most unjust results.

In an "equality" model, the moment a marriage scam occurs, the law is forced to protect an inherently unjust outcome.

"Chairman, what about reciprocity?" Li asked.

"Under reciprocity, the duration of the marriage and the presence of children would determine the ratio of the asset split."

Li Runshi immediately grasped that fairness itself could bring about inequality. This dilemma would put any government agency tasked with managing society in a very difficult position.

Before communism arrived in China, Li Runshi had briefly identified with anarchism, so he was well-versed in such dialectics. He knew clearly that one often had to choose between "fairness" and "justice." Many troubles were not caused by malice, but by a government’s sincere desire to achieve both simultaneously.

But since the government's role in the functioning of society is indispensable, its leaders must possess crystal-clear thinking on such matters. That is, they must have the resolve to act even knowing that problems will inevitably arise.

Thinking of this, Li felt much more at ease. He elevated the discussion to a higher level. "Chairman, will the economic development truly be that good?"

"As long as China does not pursue a financial empire but instead sticks to production, the economy will be far better than anything you can imagine. But I worry you are too idealistic—that you will think, 'since we have such good conditions, why not go a step further?' Comrade Runshi, I can promise you that things are not so simple. To put it in extreme terms: in the future, private enterprises will use the same rhetoric about 'greater sacrifice' used within state-owned enterprises to deceive their own employees."

Li Runshi could not bring himself to laugh at this. As a philosopher who had personally participated in China's hyper-accelerated rise, his feelings were profound.

To many, the thirty years from He Rui’s arrival in Siping in 1915 to China’s imminent global hegemony in 1945 seemed like a lifetime. But from a historical perspective, thirty years was but a blink of an eye. In that historical instant, He Rui had returned China to its rightful place in the world.

Such immense wealth—and the prospect of wealth dozens of times greater in the future—made Li believe the Chinese people would finally have the leisure to understand the world and elevate themselves. Yet this cold realist was telling him that such a thought was an error, and that a new lifestyle would not be so easily built. The more Li was forced to accept this view, the more despondent he felt.

Understanding his companion's feelings, He Rui smiled. "Thus, the comrades must have a clear view of the cost of social services. The cost of cultivating a human being is higher than we imagine, and the success rate is lower. Humans do not necessarily love understanding their own essence; they love their comfort zones."

"Then why do you love it, Chairman?" Li couldn't help but jab back.

He Rui was not provoked. Instead, he smiled with a touch of sympathy. "Understanding my own essence is simply part of my comfort zone, so I do it. That is why I say: do not teach the biographies of saints and great men to children. That is asking kind, normal people to learn from abnormal, anti-social, and anti-human madmen."

Li could understand the words, but he disliked the sentiment. "These natural laws exist," he challenged.

He Rui replied solemnly, "Given our lifespans, we are destined never to see the day humanity develops to that era. We cannot forbid scientific research, of course, but we cannot expect to progress to that stage in our current phase. That is a different lifestyle entirely—a newer version than the one you are currently striving to promote."

The meeting ended there. As Li Runshi left, he let out a long breath. Talking about the *real* future with He Rui always felt like swallowing a potent poison. The sharp pain and the "malice" stirred within his body were all too real.

Despite the pain, Li was unwilling to give up such opportunities for discussion. By feeling the agony of thought, the pain and indecision caused by making real-world choices diminished significantly. For instance, he could now view the issues of fairness and justice with greater composure.

Meanwhile, ten thousand miles away in the American Northwest, the Black population was feeling a sharp pain of its own in the ice and snow. An unjust world continued to treat them with injustice. Although they had shed blood and made sacrifices in the war, they were being scapegoated for the defeat.

The mass enlistment of Black men had occurred during the phase when the US was suffering setback after setback in the Pacific. The claim that this minority of Black soldiers was responsible for the national failure was a blatant and total lie.

But such was the reality for the Black veterans; they were treated this way simply because they were weak. Now, facing death by freezing or starvation in the Northwest, they finally decided to rise.

A transport line had been established between Washington State and Chinese-controlled Vancouver. Vast quantities of weapons, ammunition, food, and supplies reached the hundreds of thousands of Black people forced to remain in the region. And these people had reached a decision: they had to "apply" for citizenship in the State of Washington.

With citizenship, they could vote to enact state laws and then do many things legitimately and legally. At this time, various Black brotherhoods had reached a consensus, and they shouted a single slogan: "Guns in hand, follow me! Fight for civil rights, enjoy freedom!"