"...I have often heard the Chairman say: 'Benevolence is cooperation; Righteousness is the distribution of benefits.' At this moment, I am suddenly reminded of Jia Yi's *On the Faults of Qin*.

"Jia Yi wrote: 'Thus, with a mere fragment of land, Qin achieved the power of ten thousand chariots and ordered the eight provinces to pay court to it for over a hundred years. Then, it made the world its home and the Hangu Pass its palace. Yet a single commoner raised a revolt, and the ancestral temples were destroyed. The ruler died at the hands of others and became the laughingstock of the world—why? Because benevolence and righteousness were not applied, and the conditions of offense and defense had shifted.'

"Contemplating China's current power and majesty, I feel both fortunate and, inevitably, a trace of trepidation..."

He Rui set the telegram aside. Cheng Ruofan’s sudden use of Classical Chinese moved him. That even a man like Cheng would feel "the coldness of the heights" showed that China's global deployment had given even this idealist the "border anxiety" that came with far-flung expeditions.

The "Zhong" in the name *Zhongguo* (China) referred to the Central Kingdom—the center of all under heaven. In the 21st century, He Rui had expended much effort to purge Eurocentrism from his cognition. But the people of Cheng Ruofan's era had suffered no foreign aggression since the unification of China in 1924. Because the period of China's lost confidence had been so brief—barely twenty years in total—this generation had never formed a rigid sense of Eurocentrism. They easily reconnected with the traditional view of Sinocentrism.

Thus, even if Britain styled itself the world hegemon, in Cheng Ruofan’s eyes, it was merely a frontier of barbarians distant from China. Yet, the task of governing the world made Cheng feel the heavy pressure of being so far removed from China, the world's center.

Indeed, if China relied solely on imperialist methods to maintain global hegemony, the pressure would be crushing, quickly leading to a situation where expenditures exceeded returns.

Thinking of this, He Rui initially wanted to call Li Runshi over to discuss the governance of the world. However, his hand rested on the telephone for a long time before he finally let go.

Power, by its nature, is exclusive. An incomplete handover is no handover at all. Since he had decided to step down, it should be Li Runshi who sought out He Rui when he needed him, not He Rui seeking out Li whenever he had a thought.

Having settled this, He Rui sat back at his desk and looked through documents regarding foreign affairs. The US presidential election, which should have yielded results in November, had been delayed slightly due to the Chinese invasion of American territory. Even so, on December 11th, the American people elected the ticket of Henry Wallace and Eleanor Roosevelt.

Wallace’s campaign platform was centered on ending the war. The Republican candidate, Thomas Dewey, had been swept up by public opinion demanding the restoration of order in North America. Although the high-minded Dewey had received cheers from the public, his support rate was only 31%—a clear proof of the American people’s true sentiments.

He Rui’s requirement to begin a full prisoner exchange with the US before December 20th was being executed quite well. The new Wallace administration had reached an agreement with China to start the exchange on December 16th. By December 24th at the latest, all Chinese officers and men captured by the US would be released. In exchange, China was handing over four times the number of American prisoners.

As He Rui was reading, the telephone rang. It was Li Runshi. Soon, Li appeared before him, inquiring about the separate release of Black prisoners of war.

"I simply want to see what the result will be. What America thinks is America's business," He Rui said without compromise.

At this stage, He Rui had entered a phase of acting according to his own whims. Releasing Black POWs in the US Northwest was indeed not an act of goodwill. He Rui didn't necessarily believe that by releasing them there, they would use their numerical advantage to establish a Black state. But if the Black people caused trouble in the Northwest, He Rui would be content to watch from the sidelines.

Li Runshi was somewhat unaccustomed to He Rui's new style. Given He Rui's usual caution, he wasn't one to play low-level tricks. As Li stared at him, he found He Rui looking back at him as well. For most people, such an act would trigger a tense, adversarial feeling often called "offense."

Li Runshi trusted He Rui implicitly. Faced with such pressure, he expected He Rui to say something sharp. Soon, He Rui spoke: "Comrade Runshi, if until now there has still been a path for us to follow and learn from, from now on we must make our own decisions. Present-day China has entered a new stage that no other country—nor China itself—has ever reached. We often do not know what will happen."

Li Runshi was startled. Over the past period, as he contemplated future strategy, he too had realized this reality. Hearing He Rui state it so simply and clearly made him feel that He Rui had likely already thought through many things.

From the unification of China in 1924 to the present moment, as China was about to achieve world hegemony, following He Rui's judgment had invariably yielded positive results. Even Li Runshi had begun to grow accustomed to this pattern. He couldn't help but ask, "Chairman, is your arrangement for the Black people strategic or experimental?"

"It is an experimental move. To put it somewhat bluntly, in my view, concentrating Black people in the US Northwest is much like importing cheetahs from Africa to Australia—it is an experimental act," He Rui replied.

Li Runshi felt a sense of discomfort with these words, yet he couldn't help but think that He Rui's physical functions were likely still at a very low level. Only such an explanation could account for He Rui’s seemingly callous disregard for human life.

He Rui had studied psychology and understood Li Runshi's feelings perfectly. He spoke this way because he felt Li had to accept the cruelty of the industrial age. In many instances, Li’s heart was too kind, and the reason for this was that he truly believed in "Man conquering Heaven."

As for the definition of "Heaven," in He Rui's view, it was undoubtedly the understanding of humanity itself achieved in the 21st century.

During the period when He Rui’s physical vitality was abundant, impulses originating from the flesh had a significant impact on his thoughts. Now that his body was weak, the influence of these physical impulses had greatly diminished. While this meant death was very close, it also provided the external conditions for He Rui to think beyond the influence of the flesh.

Until the human body evolved, most revolutionary principles were used by humans to justify their own physical impulses.

If one could not acknowledge this with cold rationality but instead acted purely out of revolutionary passion, they were destined to face many heart-wrenching situations. Especially for a man like Li Runshi, who was filled with an almost unbelievable vitality—his biological state destined him to be more passionate than others.

He Rui did not believe this passion born of vitality was wrong; it was even a commendable trait of humanity worth celebrating. Yet, he still couldn't help but hope that Li Runshi would become an even more powerful existence.

Seeing Li's confusion and heartfelt resistance, He Rui knew that his objectivity could not for long defeat physical reality.

But Li Runshi could not understand He Rui. He asked, "Chairman, do you believe in absolute rationalism?"

"Human observation is inherently laggard compared to reality. As a product of that reality, how can humans possess absolute rationality?" He Rui answered logically.

Having said this, He Rui observed Li Runshi. He saw Li’s brow furrow and his gaze waver; he clearly could not grasp He Rui's current state of mind.

He Rui then switched the topic. "Comrade Runshi, have your thoughts on the future lifestyle yielded any periodic results?"

Li Runshi’s gaze immediately sharpened, and his demeanor became steady—a reaction typical when a question touched upon his area of expertise.

"Chairman, the result of my thinking is that no definite lifestyle can be provided. At this stage, the costs China can provide are only enough to ensure that everyone receives nine years of compulsory education, followed by vocational training and basic education in sociology and logic. Moreover, this vocational and sociological education is a double-edged sword. These efforts might create a progressive future, or they might create a source of chaos. After all, progress and chaos are merely different manifestations of the same thing."

A typical philosopher might sink into despondency or agony after saying such things, but Li Runshi, as a philosopher-statesman, was filled with an innate vitality.

"The future you described before, Chairman—I could not see the material foundation for it, so I could not understand it. Now, I am beginning to understand parts of it, especially the method of future wealth distribution you mentioned. In the China of the future, capital gains will no longer hold a dominant position. Functional gains and capital gains will create immense inequality. And to resolve these inequalities using the moral models of the agricultural era, or the simple and crude models of political stability, will only lead to even greater injustice from a theoretical standpoint."

Li Runshi’s perspective made He Rui’s heart leap with joy. He thought to himself: *Exactly!*

Great politicians can masterfully employ various means—whether it is "stability above all else" or "striking down all monsters and demons"—these are all tools. Their goal, without exception, is to promote the development of productive forces and social progress.

But social progress is never easy. Progress itself is destruction, and the objects being destroyed are not necessarily fallacious or evil within old moral systems and lifestyles.

At such times, only the great or the dull can truly grasp the strategy. He Rui hoped that the leaders of China would be great men.