From the moment he entered French territory, the Dutch Foreign Minister observed thick smoke billowing from the chimneys of every French industrial zone. Without a massive influx of orders, French industry could not possibly be operating at such a high capacity.

The normal domestic demand of France alone could never justify such a frantic level of production. Were these enterprises working themselves to the bone for France's military-industrial complex, or were they fulfilling overseas demand?

Recalling the withered state of the Dutch economy, the Foreign Minister felt a profound envy for France's fortune. Although the Netherlands was not a top-tier European industrial power, it possessed a complete industrial system. The current decline in Dutch industry was partly due to a lack of orders, but seen from another perspective, the Netherlands had previously relied on cheap raw materials from the global colonial system. Now that this system had utterly collapsed, Dutch firms were forced to source raw materials from within Europe.

Most European raw materials were currently controlled by the Nazi-led group headed by Germany. Using such expensive materials to manufacture goods had caused Dutch production costs to skyrocket. Even with industrial prices so high, the Netherlands still found it difficult to exchange its goods for the necessary supplies on the internal European market.

France's industry was indeed stronger than that of the Netherlands, but it was far from capable of keeping every factory running at full tilt on its own. Nor could French domestic resources fully provide the raw materials needed for such widespread operation. Thus, with all its colonies lost, a significant portion of the raw materials France now used must be coming from Chinese-controlled regions.

As for whether French products were being used to arm the French military against a Nazi offensive or sold to the World People's Liberation Army, the Dutch Foreign Minister had no interest in asking.

Upon entering Paris, his envy only deepened. While the city lacked the sheer opulence of the "Golden Decade" (1928-1938), it still retained the silhouette of those prosperous years. While other Western nations had tossed and turned in the agony of the Great Depression, France—leveraging the "Franc Hegemony" funded by China—had enjoyed a prosperous, industrial life that was the envy of every other nation in the West.

During those years, the streets of Paris were filled with wealthy foreigners of every stripe, alongside the Soviet tour groups that European newspapers mockingly dubbed "The Soviet Auntie Tourist Groups." After the establishment of the Soviet Union, the state provided foreign travel benefits to its citizens, giving every Soviet national a chance to visit Europe.

The Soviet people looked down upon impoverished Eastern Europe and Germany; Paris was the city they truly loved. Even if they lacked the funds to buy luxury goods at Galeries Lafayette, they would still purchase cheap trinkets as souvenirs.

While wealthy foreigners indulged in luxury, ordinary ones shopped and dined. Combined with full employment in France, Paris was then not only the most magnificent city in Europe but the most prosperous in the world.

Six years had passed in a flash. Even though France had been defeated and Paris occupied by Germany, and though the veneer of luxury had been washed away by war and upheaval, the internal skeleton of the city still moved the Dutch Foreign Minister.

During those ten golden years, Paris had undergone large-scale modernization and construction. These modern infrastructures still functioned well today, and this momentum alone ensured that Paris remained the most thriving city in Europe.

The French Foreign Minister looked to be in good spirits, showing no signs of anxiety. He greeted his Dutch counterpart with a warm handshake and an embrace, saying with a bright smile, "Welcome to Paris."

The Dutch Foreign Minister sensed a current of confidence in France. Once they reached the reception room, he asked bluntly, "Is France currently capable of providing military protection for Europe?"

Even though both nations had surrendered to Germany during the Battle of Western Europe, the French Foreign Minister showed no sign of displeasure. He answered confidently, "At this stage, France can only do its utmost to maintain its own independence. However, on that foundation, France is willing to provide assistance to its friends."

"Belgium has currently chosen full cooperation with Germany. The Netherlands seeks peace. If our country is invaded by another power, I wonder if France has the capacity to alleviate the pressure on us?" The Dutch Foreign Minister expressed his frank desire to avoid another occupation.

European nations were small, and their diplomacy was correspondingly direct. Hearing this, the French Foreign Minister knew it was time to name his price. He immediately asked, "I wonder what the Netherlands' assessment is of the European Coal and Steel Community?"

"The European Coal and Steel Community? That was a proposal made by Mr. He Rui," the Dutch Foreign Minister replied with cautious composure.

"France has already begun consultations with the Italian government regarding the European Coal and Steel Community. In our view, the Netherlands has a complete need to join such a body."

The Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs had studied the East Asian Coal and Steel Community (EACSC) very carefully. It was a supranational organization whose governing authority was the High Authority.

This High Authority was composed of nine members who held the supreme power of the EACSC. They were responsible for coordinating coal and steel production among member states and ensuring effective competition within the community. It held the power over production, investment, prices, and raw material distribution within the community, as well as the authority to expand or shut down certain enterprises or sectors. It also managed the community's relations with third countries and international organizations.

Member states were required to implement the decisions made by this body. Furthermore, the EACSC featured a Council of Ministers, a Common Assembly, and a Court of Justice to serve its development.

Since the establishment of the EACSC in East Asia, the steel production of China, Japan, and Korea had surged. China was vast and rich in resources, and Japan’s industrial system was long-established, so their rapid growth was no surprise.

However, Korea’s steel industry had unexpectedly become the fastest-growing among the three. Korea possessed ore and coal, and through the EACSC, it gained capital, technology, and markets. The steel industry quickly became Korea's pillar industry, fueling its rapid development over the past decade.

Precisely because the Dutch Foreign Minister had studied the East Asian model so closely, he asked warily, "Does France believe the internal organizational model of the European Coal and Steel Community should copy East Asia's?"

Korea’s rapid development had not come without a price. Its domestic market was small; its iron ore and coal had to be exported to China, and the steel it produced was heavily dependent on the Chinese domestic market. This meant that Korea's internal economic development was heavily influenced by China.

Not only did the Netherlands view Korea as a Chinese satellite, but the whole of Europe saw it that way. The Korean elite today were almost entirely people who had either lived in exile in China or had been educated there.

If France demanded such power, the Netherlands would rather find its own way to maintain its independence.

The French Foreign Minister shook his head. "France believes the internal organizational structure of the European Coal and Steel Community will be an equitable one, and it will definitely not copy the East Asian model. France does not seek a dominant position. Every nation that joins the Coal and Steel Community will be of equal status."

Somewhat reassured by this promise, the Dutch Foreign Minister followed up, "Which nations does France believe have a need to join?"

"France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg."

Hearing that France did not intend to include all of Europe in the community further eased the Dutch minister's mind. However, the implication that the community required Germany's participation was intriguing.

"Does France intend to defeat the Nazi regime?" the Dutch minister asked.

"Does the Dutch government believe that a Nazi German government would be beneficial to the European continent?"

"...Will France join the anti-fascist camp?" The Dutch Foreign Minister did not believe France had the capability to defeat Germany alone. Although the German military had suffered losses in the Soviet-German War and the North African campaigns, they had also gained immense experience. Given their ability to fight on their own soil, one should not assume the Wehrmacht's combat effectiveness had weakened. If one wished to defeat such an army, France alone could certainly not do it.

Even if France, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg cooperated fully, they would be no match for the German army. To truly defeat Germany, one had to rely on China.

"Joining the Coal and Steel Community can at least reduce the pressure Germany exerts on each nation. Among the various threats the Netherlands currently faces, who is more dangerous: China or Germany? France views China as a massive threat, but the contradictions between France and China can be resolved through peaceful discussion. Until Germany completely abandons its fascist ideology, however, it will only choose war to solve its problems."

The Dutch Foreign Minister nodded helplessly. If the Netherlands weren't entirely worried about a second German invasion, they would never have accepted China's demands, given China's fierce anti-colonial stance.

The reason the Dutch government sought cooperation with France, even knowing France was collaborating with China, was that Hitler’s Nazi Germany resorted to war whenever it encountered an unsolvable problem. This had reached the point where the Dutch government would rather trust China than Nazi Germany.

Since there were few other choices at this stage, the Dutch Foreign Minister, seeing that the French Foreign Minister hadn't answered directly, asked bluntly: "Does China know that Germany is prepared to fight to the last man?"

The French Foreign Minister sighed. "As far as I know, both China and the World People's Liberation Army have a very clear understanding of this. The He Rui government's view has never wavered: Nazi Germany, representing the most radical racism, must be eliminated."

From a purely political perspective, the French minister's words were precise. But the Dutch Foreign Minister couldn't help but think of the racial ideologies within the Netherlands itself. In terms of racism, the only difference between the Netherlands and Germany was that the Dutch were less extreme. In essence, all European nations possessed strong racialist ideologies.

If China completely annihilated Nazi Germany, would they then turn their punishment toward the Netherlands?

However, the Dutch Foreign Minister chose not to ask this. When the Chinese special envoy negotiated with the Netherlands, they had explicitly stated that the rejection of racism must be the official position of the Netherlands!

In other words, if the Netherlands wanted to escape the fate of being attacked by China, it had to establish the political concept of human equality—that no race is superior or inferior—in its official stance and textbooks. The percentage of Dutch citizens who truly shared such a belief was certainly less than half.

The Dutch Foreign Minister temporarily set these troublesome matters aside and returned to his original question: "Is France willing to send troops to protect nations that seek peace?"

The French Foreign Minister smiled. "The French government believes that we must first determine how many European nations are truly seeking peace."

This was no joke. The French Ministry of Foreign Affairs had indeed sent envoys to the Nordic countries to ask about their views on "peace."

The French government had done this based on the decisions of a professional cabinet under a presidential system, working with total focus. France believed that China had no possibility of maintaining a long-term military presence in Europe. In the short term, France could build its own image and status by providing security assistance to nations that did not wish to be dragged into the war.

France was already a major power on the European continent. If it could help European nations achieve the strategic goal of escaping the war now, it could certainly restore French influence in Europe.

As for the grueling battle with the German army, that could be left to China. Once Chinese military forces withdrew from Europe, France could use the establishment of the Coal and Steel Community to build a core European power.

"What do you think, Foreign Minister? Does the Netherlands believe it can benefit from the decision to join the Coal and Steel Community?" The French Foreign Minister brought the conversation back to the previous topic.