Wu Youping found it difficult to describe his current mindset. The joy of proving China's strength, the joy of realizing that the so-called Anglo-American world powers were nothing more than this, and the sorrow that China had actually been bullied by such nations—various emotions were tangled together, leaving him unable to contain himself.

However, after weeping for a moment, Wu Youping regained his composure. Wiping away his tears, he asked Li Runshi, "Should we personally go and inform the Chairman?"

Li Runshi felt conflicted. Before the war broke out, He Rui had already pointed toward such a future. But the comrades' reasons for supporting He Rui had actually been unrelated to his predictions; they had committed to war because it was truly the best means to resolve China's problems.

Now that the situation had finally reached the state He Rui had described, informing him felt somewhat redundant. Moreover, the most important thing currently was to keep He Rui as healthy as possible—at least until the end of the war. If He Rui were to die suddenly now, there was no guarantee that the seemingly suppressed situation wouldn't explode with other variables.

Thinking of this, Li Runshi asked, "Premier, do you think the Soviet Union might suddenly do something?"

Wu Youping had indeed had the economic departments use computers to conduct serious evaluations and calculations. Since Li Runshi asked, he replied: "At this stage, the Soviet Union might not be able to break through the Eastern European lines. Given the current situation, Britain is very likely to withdraw the British African Corps to Britain, and the German Afrika Korps might do the same. If we liberate regions outside of Europe, major problems will emerge in the European economy, especially for Britain."

Li Runshi hadn't conducted such detailed evaluations, so he consulted Wu Youping: "Premier, I seem to remember that the British mainland also has iron and coal mines. Aren't these enough to sustain Britain?"

"Britain's resources cannot sustain the current lifestyle of the British people. France is unlikely to help Britain, because even France can no longer obtain resources from its colonies. Currently, there are only two and a half Western countries that still have resources: the United States and the Soviet Union can rely on domestic resources for production and consumption. Germany can use the resources of the Fascist bloc to maintain a certain level of production and consumption—that counts as half. Britain and France are merely returning to their rightful historical positions. When the dream ends, it will just be dust to dust, ashes to ashes."

Hearing Wu Youping's assessment, Li Runshi felt that Wu was becoming increasingly confident. This was a good thing, yet it left Li Runshi somewhat melancholy. He had truly believed that the future would involve twenty years of long-term, fierce struggle with the Great Powers, but he hadn't expected these nations to be so fragile.

Ultimately, Li Runshi made a decision: "Let's go see the Chairman."

When they met He Rui, Li Runshi felt that he shouldn't have come, yet also felt that he had to. He Rui's physical weakening continued, but his spiritual strength had not withered with his body. On the contrary, because He Rui no longer had the strength for excessive discussion, his words had become more straightforward.

"Europe and America can no longer maintain their old ways of life. As for the demands for an armistice, I suggest the comrades focus on providing a future path for the Western nations—their productivity must be integrated into the new world economic order," He Rui said, and then, feeling a bit weak, he forced himself to stand up.

This action made his heart race, but it also made his thinking a bit more flexible. He Rui continued: "For Europe, we must fight our way in. As for the United States, I am still not entirely sure. The consequences of invading the US are hard to predict. However, one thing is certain: as long as the Great Lakes region is destroyed, the US cannot make a comeback. As for how to do it, Youping, you must help Chairman Li reach a conclusion within the Politburo."

Wu Youping sighed, "Will a full-scale massacre of minorities break out within the United States?"

He Rui nodded. "The US federal government likely won't issue an order for slaughter, but it's hard to say for the various states. And the armed civilian organizations in the US will certainly take action; this is America's path-dependency. I've read the reports: killings of Black officers and men have already occurred within the US military. We should publicize this now and issue a warning: if the US federal and state governments cannot stop the massacre, our Chinese military will enter the United States to protect human rights... *cough cough*..."

Wu Youping watched as He Rui, who had been walking slowly with his hands behind his back, coughed until he doubled over. He hurried forward to help He Rui sit down. Once He Rui caught his breath, Wu Youping gave Li Runshi a look. However, to his surprise, Li Runshi had no intention of leaving and instead continued to ask: "Will the United States directly turn Fascist?"

He Rui admired Li Runshi for touching upon such a profound question. At this stage, what most other comrades were capable of considering was likely only how to defeat the United States. If asked about the fundamental nature of the US as a nation, those comrades would likely just reply "I don't know."

Li Runshi's ability to conduct more profound research was supported by his strong constitution and mental capacity, in addition to his talent. Regarding this physical quality, He Rui indeed envied Li Runshi.

Wu Youping wanted to stop He Rui from continuing. He knew the question of whether the US would turn Fascist was too deep; explaining it would be exhausting. Yet to his surprise, He Rui didn't even stop to think but began explaining directly.

"Racism is deep-seated in the United States. Moreover, the US has indeed achieved great success through methods of genocide, persecution, and racial discrimination. It's impossible for the US not to continue its path-dependency on this."

Hearing this, Wu Youping couldn't help but nod in agreement. The reason China didn't engage in path-dependency now was that it had finally broken free from an agricultural economy and become an industrial nation. In this entirely new game, Chinese culture's understanding of civilizational development could be inherited, but there was no path-dependency in its direction of development.

Industrializing was not the same as using industrialized means to implement an agricultural path. An agricultural nation naturally has an agricultural way of life, while an industrial nation has an industrial one. If the two are confused, major trouble will follow.

The reason Wu Youping admired He Rui more as he progressed and matured was that he found He Rui was always very clear on these key issues and would find ways to prevent the comrades from going down the wrong path.

At this point, He Rui continued explaining US racism—specifically, the method of white economic dominance—to Li Runshi.

White economic dominance included both direct economic exploitation and exclusion and marginalization, aimed at increasing white economic advantage.

Whites had accumulated massive wealth through slave labor, job segregation, discriminatory wages, and the exclusion of other people of color to preserve white socio-economic opportunities. At the same time, white-controlled government agencies, through a series of "affirmative action" plans for whites, ensured the transmission of property among whites.

For example, the Homestead Act, implemented by the federal and state governments from the 1860s to the 1930s, helped many white families acquire significant family assets. Through the long-term exploitation and oppression of people of color, whites obtained various forms of "unjust enrichment," while people of color were left in a state of poverty due to that same exploitation and oppression. This "unjust impoverishment" led to people of color and their descendants having lower levels of education and weak survival skills, forcing them into low-end service jobs with meager incomes, making it difficult to escape poverty and thus falling into a vicious cycle.

"Therefore, I personally do not strongly support invading the United States. If we followed our usual practice, after invading we would have to build a 'New America,' which would only place a massive burden on China. Given my personality, I would choose to let the US solve its own problems. Since there would be no complete reckoning, American revanchism would cause them to reject the new world order and maintain a state of hateful isolation. Ultimately, the US would slowly rot in its isolated island state. Such a large-scale human social observation experiment would be very interesting." After saying this, He Rui couldn't help but let out a cold laugh.

Seeing that He Rui could still maintain his composure, Li Runshi was also full of admiration. Moreover, what He Rui said confirmed his own judgment: the cost of completely liberating the United States was too great, and the process too uncontrollable. This matched Li Runshi's own assessment.

Originally, Li Runshi had intended to ask how to reach a compromise with the United States, but given He Rui's current physical state, he truly couldn't invest significant energy into specific work. Li Runshi stood up and said, "Chairman, I have no more questions."

Wu Youping also stood up but asked: "Does the United States still need a large social underclass to exploit?"

He Rui felt that Wu Youping was becoming a bit soft-hearted and smiled: "A nation like the US particularly needs a large social underclass as fuel for capital accumulation. However, in the coming decades, the global climate will be relatively stable, which will allow US domestic agriculture to be maintained. But a nation like the US will never reach the civilizational height of China. Even in China, there is a saying: 'Without killing the poor man, one cannot become rich.' Exploitation and plunder are the quickest means of accumulating wealth."

Wu Youping had originally felt that a peace of a higher civilizational height could be reached with the US. Hearing He Rui speak this way, he also felt he should perhaps abandon such considerations. He said, "Chairman, next time I come to see you, I won't talk about work."

He Rui used his strength to stand up. "There's nothing wrong with talking about work. If I'm not allowed to work, I can't stand it myself. Also, I originally wanted to submit my will to the Party Central Committee now, but I think doing so might scare the comrades. So I have already handed my written will to the Chairman's Office. If I die suddenly, you can go directly to the Office for the document."

Wu Youping and Li Runshi didn't know how to respond. He Rui's attitude toward life and death was perfectly fine; both Wu and Li hoped they could face death with such equanimity.

But this attitude of complete indifference toward death was truly frightening, leaving Wu and Li afraid to offer any comment. They simply took their leave.

By now, Li Runshi effectively held the power, and he was no novice without experience in struggle. Once He Rui passed away, Li Runshi would take over He Rui's position according to the system. But to obtain He Rui's power, Li Runshi would have to be elected in the Party's regular elections.

Regular elections within the party involved factions. Currently, the various factions within the Chinese Civilization Party were not the "clique-forming" groups of the feudal era, but rather groups formed based on departmental and policy interests.

For example, as Premier, Wu Youping naturally became the representative of the interests of the civil servant system. To ensure the smooth operation of the civil service, Wu naturally had to look after the reasonable—and some not-too-excessive—demands from within.

He Rui was able to execute policies according to his own vision as a leader because he personally could propose outstanding policies and norms in all three areas of party, government, and military, ensuring the interests of all of China. Even if only for the sake of China and for their own and their departments' interests, no one could oppose He Rui.

A leader without He Rui's strategic capacity would have to rely on relationships with various factions to gain sufficient support. This required various games with each faction.

Everyone liked He Rui's model of leader-politics because it appeared highly efficient and productive. However, history records most often the "having no alternative." That state of mutual compromise in politics is the norm. Although Li Runshi didn't want to wallow in such political games, he found that he had to do so, at least until he secured power.

Thus, Li Runshi said to Wu Youping: "Premier, there will be elections early next year. Do you have any plans for the future direction of our work?"

Hearing this, Wu Youping let out a soft laugh but did not answer. This wasn't because he wanted to use his influence to demand quid pro quo from Li Runshi, as Li's ability in the economic field had not been proven. He Rui had the ability to bypass Premier Wu and manage the economy directly; Li Runshi likely couldn't do that at this stage.

If Li Runshi couldn't do what He Rui could, then the responsibility for economic work would inevitably have to be handed to the State Council. There was no need for Wu Youping to make any demands.

The reason Wu didn't answer was that he truly hoped He Rui would live a hundred years. He Rui's physical condition was no longer sufficient for him to continue being responsible for the work, so he would likely resign from his party and government posts.

As long as He Rui didn't die and was alive during the next election, Li Runshi's chance of being elected was 100%. A leader is a leader because their decisions are executed. Even if people disagree, they have to do it, and do it seriously.

Seeing that Wu Youping didn't answer, Li Runshi continued: "Over the past thirty years, the Chairman's policies have always pursued the highest efficiency in economic development, accumulating a massive void in terms of equality. In the coming thirty years, I believe that in the new lifestyle we provide to the people, equality must be strengthened. Especially the push for education—I fear it will cost us dearly."

Hearing that Li Runshi wasn't talking about votes, Wu Youping finally replied: "Recently, many ignorant fellows have been shouting for some internal strife. They likely don't understand themselves that what they are trying to seize is actually the power to lead policy, the power of distribution."

"I support Chairman Li's view. The cost of education is so high; making the people realize that individual strength can only be exerted by relying on the development of the nation and society is not something that happens overnight."

Seeing that Wu Youping was not engaging in "path-dependency" but agreed that policy needed to be balanced between efficiency and fairness, Li Runshi felt much more at ease.

Subsequently, Li Runshi truly hoped He Rui would live a hundred years. This thought was based on more than just respect and love for He Rui; it was because He Rui's prestige allowed him to make large-scale adjustments to policy without triggering excessively violent upheavals.

If He Rui were to die now and Li Runshi declared, "We must take fairness into account," many people opposed to such a policy would object: "The Chairman's body is barely cold, and you already want to overturn his policies?"

Yes. That is human nature!

Those people would never say they wanted to sustain a certain policy to protect their own interests. Instead, they would criticize Li Runshi from a moral height. If He Rui hadn't clearly publicized that the old morals attached to the agricultural era were not entirely suitable for the new industrial age, some might have used feudal-era phrases like "not changing the father's way for three years" to oppose Li Runshi.

Thinking of this, Li Runshi simply discussed these matters with Wu Youping. Wu actually admired Li Runshi and believed he was indeed the best choice for the next leader. Therefore, after hearing Li Runshi's views, he didn't feel any sense of transgression; rather, he felt Li's thoughts proved his maturity.

Wu Youping completely agreed with Li Runshi's views on policy adjustment and expressed his own thoughts.

The people now indeed knew they were in a new era and were indeed affected by the current state of industrialized China. But the people were not yet capable of understanding the essence of politics. Thus, their love for He Rui might actually be used by others to oppose Li Runshi.

So-called "enlightening the people" takes a long time. It's not that the people don't understand or can't comprehend policies, but because they cannot imagine things they haven't seen. Now China needs time to complete its first long economic cycle under an industrial state. This industrial economic cycle takes about 60 to 65 years.

Wu Youping even stated his view directly: "The starting point of this long cycle was not 1924, when we liberated the whole country. It must be counted from after we win this war and establish a new global economic order. That is to say, although we have already completed China's industrialization—something not commonly seen—under the Chairman's use of all sorts of judgments and means amidst favorable timing, geography, and popular support, it still cannot be considered the start of the industrial economic cycle."

"The current war has not placed China within a stable, industrialized way of life. It can only start being counted when China is in a state of peaceful industrialization. Chairman Li, you will be responsible for this opening stage."

Seeing that Wu Youping was supporting him, Li Runshi was also very gratified. "The massive wealth created by industrialization will cause the people's demand for the rule of law to rise rapidly. In my personal conception, strengthening the rule of law is also the starting point for promoting fairness."

"Haha, after the people have mastered unprecedented wealth, various disputes will surely arise around that wealth. But 'even an upright official finds it hard to settle family disputes.' Chairman Li, have you truly prepared yourself for this?" Wu Youping laughed.

Though his tone was light, Wu Youping knew that starting from the rule of law as Li Runshi intended would not be an easy task. While the driving force behind social progress is indeed the productive forces, at every key node, it is instead the most emotional tragedies that can exert a huge influence, thereby allowing society to begin progressing. The ability to seize and grasp opportunities at these key nodes is not something just anyone can do.