Calgary, located 160 kilometers from the US-Canada border at the junction of the Canadian Rockies and the Great Plains, had become a vital region for defending the Alliance of North American Indigenous Nations since its liberation by the Chinese National Defense Force (CNDF).

On September 8, Calgary endured three Allied air raids, which had by now become routine. Through the valiant efforts of the Air Force and air defense units, approximately 410 Anglo-American jet fighters were shot down. Crucially, the strikes failed to disrupt the ongoing construction of the airfield.

The Chinese Air Force remained vigilant, with fighters continuing their combat air patrols. The city’s most striking feature was the backdrop of magnificent, perpetually snow-capped mountains, which remained beautiful even amidst the smoke of war. Since China’s arrival in North America and its protection of the enslaved indigenous populations, several North American indigenous nations had been established according to their traditional territories.

The Chinese government had issued a series of postcards featuring local scenery; the view of Calgary against the snow-capped mountains was particularly well-received.

In the North American Theater Command, a postcard depicting the Calgary mountains lay before the Commander, Marshal Hu Xiushan. He had intended to send it to He Rui as a greeting for the upcoming Mid-Autumn Festival and had already drafted the message. Yet, he hesitated. Since August, the eastward offensive launched from Calgary had failed to achieve its primary objectives.

The soul of any army bears a direct resemblance to its founder. Beyond injecting the CNDF with a spiritual core similar to the later PLA, He Rui had deeply embedded the tradition of "battles of annihilation." Hu Xiushan had also made significant contributions to this tempering process.

However, "Operation Spring Thunder," launched from Calgary, had failed to annihilate the enemy forces in Regina and Saskatoon. After nearly twenty days of fierce fighting against numerically superior forces, the CNDF was forced to withdraw to Medicine Hat, over 100 kilometers east of its starting point.

The Anglo-American propaganda machine was now in full swing, trumpeting a "great victory" comparable to the Battle of the Marne. They claimed the Chinese offensive had suffered a shameful defeat and that ultimate failure was only a matter of time.

Hu Xiushan had already telegraphed the Central Military Commission (CMC), requesting punishment for his failure to win the campaign. Sending the postcard to He Rui now felt unsettling.

"Report: A telegram from the CMC. And one from the Chairman," the guard said, rushing in to hand the telegrams to Hu Xiushan’s confidential secretary.

The secretary looked at Hu Xiushan, unsure which to read first.

Internally, Hu Xiushan was moved, but his expression remained impassive. He ordered, "Read the Chairman’s first."

The secretary smiled inwardly. Even Marshal Hu Xiushan, who commanded millions and held immense power, still instinctively feared his mentor, He Rui. He wanted to hear He Rui’s personal take first.

Opening He Rui’s telegram, the secretary read: "Xiushan, you haven't faced many significant setbacks in your life. While I don't believe the results of Operation Spring Thunder will break you, I can't help but worry if you'll end up crying from frustration. My personal view is this: Imperialists are paper tigers strategically, but tactically, they are real big cats. I expect you to quickly adjust your mindset and accept that in a war of this scale, anything can happen. Face the coming campaigns with a composed mind. — He Rui."

After the reading, the secretary felt more envy than amusement. Even though Hu Xiushan was a Marshal nearing fifty, He Rui, as his mentor, still looked out for him with such care—a bond few could replicate.

Hu Xiushan’s face flushed red for a moment, showing a hint of lingering defiance. But after a few minutes, he simply sighed, and the heavy shadow in his eyes dissipated. To the secretary, he once again looked like the "Silent Strategist" of old.

"Read the CMC telegram," Hu Xiushan said, his voice steady and powerful.

"Comrade Hu Xiushan, the CMC has received your telegram and the North American Command’s summary of Operation Spring Thunder. The CMC believes that the combat will of the Anglo-American forces was not as severely damaged as the North American Command estimated. While a number of Black units surrendered in their entirety during mountain operations, this was primarily a reaction to long-term racial oppression by whites, rather than despair over the war's outcome."

"The white soldiers of the Anglo-American forces still maintain a considerable level of combat will and were well-prepared for operations in the plains. In the coming campaigns, these white units are likely to grow and adapt."

"Therefore, based on the campaign’s results, the CMC issues a formal verbal warning to Comrade Hu Xiushan. Your assessment of relative combat power overestimated our forces and underestimated the enemy."

"Regarding the operation itself, the CMC notes that despite the enemy outnumbering us several times over, the concurrent 'Operation Autumn Wind' successfully seized the northern transport hub of Edmonton and established a plains defense system. This proves that even when both sides face logistics insufficient for large-scale mechanized operations, our forces possess the capability to defeat the enemy when facing equal numbers."

"We expect Comrade Hu Xiushan and the North American Command to learn from this experience, recognize the reality that our troop strength and equipment are limited by transport capacity, and leverage our advantages to achieve greater victories in future operations..."

The secretary breathed a sigh of relief. Operation Spring Thunder had taken place in the plains, a region crisscrossed by rivers that placed high demands on logistics. The CNDF currently had 2.1 million troops to hold a front spanning thousands of kilometers and to secure 3 million square kilometers of territory, ensuring the safety of millions of non-combatants in established agricultural and industrial zones. Manpower and logistics were indeed stretched thin.

The CMC’s assessment was fair and avoided nitpicking; this setback shouldn't have a lasting negative impact.

Hu Xiushan then spoke, "Bring me the latest progress reports for the World People's Liberation Army in Africa."

The secretary hurried off and soon returned with a summary of recent combat reports and maps. Hu Xiushan spread the map and, with the secretary’s help, placed small flags to mark the current positions of WPLA units.

On the African continent, the WPLA had liberated all of East Africa. Surveying had begun for a "Two-Ocean Railway" traversing Central Africa, starting from Tanzania in the east and ending in Angola in the west; construction on the Tanzanian section had already commenced.

Ancient African nations like Ethiopia and Egypt were now fully independent. The WPLA’s main force was currently in Southern and Central Africa. In the south, progress was slower as they cleared white-settled towns in South Africa one by one. In the center, liberation efforts followed the planned railway route.

With the Japanese fleet having reached Saint Helena, some WPLA units had also boarded ships for Angola, preparing for landing operations to accelerate the liberation of Central Africa.

Hu Xiushan had followed He Rui since the Siping days in the Northeast. Although many assumed Hu Xiushan had little experience in civil administration, he actually possessed extensive experience in managing the earliest liberated zones. Reading the progress report, even without explicit mentions of "land reform," Hu Xiushan understood the nature of the thorough liberation work being conducted in Africa from the seemingly "inefficient" pace of the advance.

Feeling he lacked sufficient data, Hu Xiushan requested statistical data from government work reports accessible only to high-ranking cadres.

The data made it even clearer: China had achieved full employment in 1943. A significant reason was that 19.37 million people had left the mainland for overseas.

Of these 19.37 million, 7.8 million were military personnel; the rest were non-combatant support personnel. The North American Theater under Hu Xiushan’s command had one million of these non-combatants.

Among the non-combatants, 1.6 million were in Southeast Asia, 7.2 million were in Australia and New Zealand, and 400,000 were in India. Roughly 1.3 million were not explicitly categorized—they had clearly gone to Africa. They were there to help develop African agriculture and industry, often serving as "chiefs" in local tribal villages.

Hu Xiushan calculated that since Africa was hotter and lacked a general winter, the WPLA would likely reach North Africa—the Sahara region—by April 1944 at this pace, potentially liberating a significant portion of the southern Mediterranean coast. This timing would coincide with the spring thaw in North America, when the CNDF could resume large-scale offensives.

In other words, as long as the North American front did not collapse by mid-April 1944, the European members of the Allies would find themselves in a total war against the WPLA. At that point, the pressure on the North American Theater would drastically decrease.

If the European Allies were defeated, only a solitary United States would remain. The US would then have no choice but to surrender. Of course, it wasn't ruled out that the US might choose to exit the war voluntarily once they realized the situation was irrecoverable.

Having considered these factors, Hu Xiushan turned his gaze to the map of Europe. The Soviet Union had returned to neutrality, but given the deep-seated enmity between the USSR and Germany, the Soviets would inevitably strike Germany if the European situation turned sour. The collapse of Europe would only be faster then.

Pushing the maps aside, Hu Xiushan stood up and ordered, "Call a meeting!"

Soon, Hu Xiushan stood before a group of commanders who looked ashamed. Despite being forced to retreat under assault by an enemy 1.6 times their size, the CNDF commanders still felt immense shame. Over the past twenty years, the Chinese military had won victory after victory and had no experience with campaign-level retreats.

Even the retreat from Seoul during the war with Japan in Korea had been a pre-planned strategy from the start of the campaign, not a forced withdrawal because they could no longer hold.

As commanders of the units that had set the precedent for a forced retreat, they felt humiliated, even if the order had come from Hu Xiushan himself.

Hu Xiushan didn't criticize anyone. If staying had been an option, he would never have ordered the withdrawal. There was nothing remarkable about American armored tactics, but the Anglo-American forces were well-equipped and well-trained. Moreover, their air forces were equipped with large numbers of jet fighters. Because their logistics were far superior to the CNDF's, their sortie rates were nearly double that of the Chinese Air Force. That the CNDF managed to withdraw without being surrounded and annihilated was due entirely to the powerful combat capability and extraordinary spirit of sacrifice of the Chinese Air Force.

"In this campaign, the Air Force is to be commended. We will request awards for the outstanding units!" Hu Xiushan announced.

Hearing commendation instead of criticism, the Air Force personnel were surprised, but they relaxed considerably.

Hu Xiushan remained calm. Over the next hour, the usually taciturn Marshal conducted a thorough review of the operations and responses of all participating units. His review was so clear and precise that even the commanders who had led the fight felt enlightened. Simultaneously, many commanders flushed with shame as they realized how their own choices had impacted the campaign.

Soon, it was time to summarize. Hu Xiushan said, "Based on the overall performance, I believe you all recognized the Anglo-American attempt to lure us into a trap and felt their efforts to use defense to fix our units in place."

"Faced with this, you all leaned toward aggressive offensives to disrupt their tactical deployment and defeat them in a single decisive engagement."

"According to our intelligence, our actions did disrupt their tactical arrangements to some degree. However, the enemy's numbers, equipment, and training exceeded our expectations. Ultimately, with a very high margin for error, the Anglo-American forces still managed to launch their planned pincer movement to surround us."

"In that situation, our forces chose to retreat, continuing to strike the enemy throughout the withdrawal. We did not allow their scheme to succeed."

"Therefore, in upcoming operations, do not let this campaign discourage you. Use it as the baseline for Anglo-American combat power. We still have too little experience in plains warfare; rashly assessing the situation will only hinder our operational planning."

"At this stage, our primary objective is to leverage our advantage in mountain warfare to push the enemy out of the highlands. Meanwhile, in the plains, we will conduct localized raids against overextended enemy units to keep them guessing about our true objectives."

"The areas we must hold now include the mountains and the Edmonton region."

The sharper commanders among them realized a possibility: the CNDF might shift its focus toward winter defensive warfare rather than simply preparing to push the front eastward to seize launch sites for striking the US Great Lakes industrial zone with DF-2 missiles.

Destroying the Great Lakes industrial zone would deal a crushing blow to the US and likely force them to exit the war. Forcing a US exit and establishing North American indigenous nations in Central and Western Canada were the stated goals of the North American Theater.

Realizing that the delay in Operation Spring Thunder might push back these goals, many commanders lowered their heads in shame.

Though Hu Xiushan was a man of few words, he was far from obtuse. Gauging their reactions, he knew exactly what they were thinking. While generals knew that "I am the best in the world" was a dangerous mindset in military struggle, the competitive drive to win was often a precious trait of outstanding officers.

Having followed He Rui for nearly thirty years, Hu Xiushan had initially felt He Rui had two faces. In war, he could be incredibly demanding of victory, yet suddenly seem indifferent to it. This had puzzled Hu Xiushan for a long time.

It wasn't until he finally grasped the relationship between economics, politics, and the military that he found clarity. Military action is an extension of politics, and politics serves the economy. At the very least, when He Rui spoke of "military struggle being conducted for the happiness and life of the people within the war's reach," Hu Xiushan felt it was the truth.

In arts, there is no absolute first; in martial matters, there is no second. Officers will inevitably be competitive—it is the nature of the soldier. However, only by transcending this instinctive impulse and entering the stage of rationally accepting facts can a general evolve into a strategist.

If one can truly make war serve the economy of creating a better life for humanity, they transcend being a mere military strategist and enter the realm of a statesman and revolutionary.

However, the comrades present were clearly far from such a level. Hu Xiushan spoke at a level they could understand: "Our forces excel at fighting with an advantage. At this stage, the North American Theater is supported by a superior Air Force, though that advantage is being diluted by our insufficient numbers. Therefore, while we must work to increase our advantage as quickly as possible, we must also recognize this reality. This does not mean I want you to fear or avoid battle. Rather, I want you to recognize the balance of power so we can fight more effectively."

Having stated the core point, Hu Xiushan, worried some might still miss the mark, added in a toneless voice, "Anyone who cannot understand this will not be given the opportunity to continue commanding troops. I expect you to correct your thinking and prepare for the coming war with the most realistic attitude."

With his piece said, Hu Xiushan allowed the command and various units to begin their discussions. As Commander, he needed them to reach their own understanding, and he intended to read their ideological reports.

As he expected, most were confused—it was a case of old revolutionaries facing new problems.

Since 1923, twenty years ago, the CNDF had recognized that China was a great power and the CNDF was one of the world's few elite armies. Twenty years of war and international struggle had proven these facts.

Because China was a great power, it had struck from a position of strength in every war. This reality had shaped not only their psychology but also their military education. After all, a great power inevitably attacks with an advantage; even the mobile and guerrilla warfare conducted by a regular army was far beyond the level of an agrarian nation.

Thus, the balance between acknowledging China's status as a superpower and accepting the North American Theater’s current relative weakness was not easy to find. With so little experience in disadvantaged plains warfare, the comrades were somewhat bewildered.

Fortunately, they had received excellent military education. After a soul-searching discussion, a basic consensus on the current situation was reached. But whether they could grasp the "point of balance" in a dynamic environment would depend on their individual talent.

Hu Xiushan was in no hurry. It was in times like these that those with real talent had the chance to stand out. He believed the Chinese military did not lack exceptional soldiers; he just needed to give them time to emerge.

Meanwhile, Bai Chongxi, the former Chinese Ambassador to Chile, arrived in Mexico. In his capacity as a Counselor at the Chinese Embassy in Mexico, he met with the Mexican Minister of Commerce. Bai Chongxi straightforwardly stated the goal of the meeting: "China wishes to import refined oil and petroleum from Mexico."