Mention Miami to an American, and they would think of sunshine, beaches, palms, coconuts, and a sweltering climate. Some would also recall the posters plastered across cities in every state before the Great Depression.

In that era of decadence before 1928, Miami was at the peak of a real estate speculative frenzy. Countless Americans, believing the future would only get better, hoped to save enough money to spend their twilight years in Miami.

Driving through the outskirts of Miami, one could see rows of wooden buildings neatly arranged along the roads. Most were small—some only about ten square meters—barely livable "snail dwellings" rather than proper houses.

The vast majority of these structures were now rotting away from neglect, victim to the humid climate and termite infestation. Some had collapsed during the passage of hurricanes over the years. The sight of these ruins stretching beyond the horizon was enough to remind one of just how crazed that era of speculating on housing, land, and every possible asset had been.

A car carrying Representative Flamenco, a Miami native, stopped before a residence in the city's outskirts. A butler came out and greeted him in Spanish.

The house used a reinforced concrete frame and masonry walls, rare in the United States. Compared to the flimsy wooden houses nearby, it felt heavy and imposing. Entering the lobby, the floor was laid with white marble, the joints filled with metal thread, lending it an air of noble elegance. These building materials prevented the faint smell of decay found in wooden houses, and combined with the fragrance of fresh flowers used for decoration, they proclaimed the status of the owner.

The master of the house was a retired director of the Rockefeller group, Hoffman Schmidt, who was also Representative Flamenco's financial backer. The old man descended from the second floor, greeted Flamenco in somewhat clumsy Spanish, and the two entered the parlor.

The parlor featured floor-to-ceiling windows, the same marble floors, and furniture made of black walnut—bright and elegant. It gave Flamenco an impulse to own such a house himself.

But such thoughts were best kept as fantasies. Flamenco was only a junior Representative. Given the current economic situation and the presence of more powerful colleagues, he would have to personally sponsor five to eight major House bills through corruption to afford such a mansion.

Even if he did earn that much, Flamenco didn't want a house in Miami anymore. Property taxes on concrete-frame houses were much higher than on wooden ones, and the maintenance costs for a beachfront property were astronomical. Furthermore, the reason so many people ultimately didn't live in Miami was that the local language was Spanish, not English. Despite being in the U.S., there was a language barrier. This had hindered local industrial development, as few major enterprises were willing to invest in Miami.

Flamenco hoped to move his family to New York once he had the money. New York was where the money flowed in America; as a retired Representative, he could surely enter the right circles and make a fortune. Even if he didn't make big money, he would be closer to Washington, the center of American politics.

Mr. Schmidt entertained Flamenco with rich South American coffee while servants set up a projector. Flamenco noticed Schmidt dismiss the servants and personally draw the curtains, operating the projector himself in the dimmed room.

After a standard intro of flickering lines, a vast desert appeared on the screen. Soon, Chinese soldiers appeared in the frame. Although Flamenco didn't know what they were busy with, his breathing quickened.

Where the Chinese military was concerned, there was never good news for America.

The scene cut several times, eventually showing a tall iron tower standing in the distance. Then, an explosion occurred at the top of the tower.

Representative Flamenco had never imagined an explosion could be so violent. A tiny point erupted into a blinding white light that turned the entire screen pure white. As the light faded, the image was even more staggering. The sky near the blast changed color; surging airwaves and flames seemed to burst from the screen, rushing toward Flamenco's face.

Judging by the footage, the camera—located at an unknown distance—was also hit by the shockwave, causing the image to shudder. Finally, when the vibration stopped, a mushroom cloud appeared on the screen, piercing the heavens.

The camera filmed the massive mushroom cloud for several more seconds before the screen went black.

"...What... what was that?" Flamenco muttered. Although stunned by the horrific explosion, he still didn't understand what he had just seen.

"That is a nuclear weapon. The same kind of new weapon the United States is currently developing," replied Hoffman Schmidt, the former Rockefeller director.

"...Let me see it again," Flamenco squeezed the words from his throat.

Ten minutes later, Flamenco felt as if his heart had gone numb. In this state, he listened to Hoffman Schmidt speak: "The message delivered from the Chinese side confirms that if the United States does not use nuclear weapons first, China will not use them against the U.S. China believes that no matter how tragic the Sino-American war becomes, it has not reached the point of mutual destruction. At the very least, China does not wish to destroy the United States."

"You... this is treason!" Flamenco voiced his internal feeling.

Hoffman did not argue or deny it. He asked calmly: "If not wanting the United States to be destroyed is treason, then letting America be turned into a sea of fire with tens of millions of casualties is patriotism, I suppose."

Flamenco remained silent, his head buzzing. Given the Rockefeller group's partnership with the Chinese government, the film China used to warn the U.S. was likely real. But current American public opinion was entirely in favor of war. Never mind a junior Representative like Flamenco; even a senior Senator couldn't overturn the public will to continue the conflict.

While he was thinking helplessly, he heard Mr. Schmidt continue: "I have also heard that China is likely to bomb industrial facilities on the West Coast in the near future. From the current situation, the U.S. Navy and Air Force likely cannot stop these bombings.

"Representative Flamenco, if these bombings occur, how do you think the industrialists will view it? You are on the Finance Committee; I very much want to know your view on the future trend of U.S. War Bonds."

At the mention of money, Flamenco felt a chill down his spine. The American economy to date looked very good on paper. Full employment drove income, and with massive conscription, workers' wages were rising. But all of this was built on a foundation of skyrocketing national debt. To date, the U.S. national debt was approaching 75% of the total industrial and agricultural output value, and it was rising fast.

The largest single expenditure currently was the procurement of jet fighters. An F-86 jet fighter cost $400,000. Facing China's overwhelming numbers, the U.S. government had already purchased 10,000. According to military demand, that number would likely reach 30,000 or more. The cost of the aircraft alone reached $12 billion.

Adding the cost of pilot training, ammunition, and spare parts, the total expenditure for 30,000 jets would be around $24 billion.

The Navy, to replenish its vessels, had spent another $18 billion. Although 22 million men had been conscripted, 17 million of them had received only basic training and had not been equipped. Now, these troops likely had to be fully armed.

Even if equipped at the scale of a motorized infantry division, an average American soldier would require $10,000 worth of equipment. That would be $170 billion.

Adding these three items together, the U.S. government would need to spend $212 billion. Meanwhile, the total industrial and agricultural output of the U.S. in 1943 was roughly $290 billion. In other words, the scale of the national debt would soon exceed 150% of the annual output value.

At such a time, if the industrial zones on the West Coast were bombed, the total output would plummet, and the debt would explode further. And since one of the Rockefeller group's primary businesses was oil extraction and refining, the destruction of West Coast industries would directly impact America's energy supply, triggering a chain reaction.

Thinking of this, Representative Flamenco suddenly calmed down. Since China had released this signal through the Rockefeller group before acting, they surely had their own considerations. He asked: "What does China want? The United States will never choose surrender!"

"China wants the United States to exit the war," Hoffman provided the Chinese demand. Although Hoffman himself had brought the message to the Representative he supported, Hoffman Schmidt had no personal desire to exit the war. He felt that in a "fish die and net breaks" struggle, China might not necessarily conquer the U.S.

However, such a war would be one of national annihilation. After destroying American industry, China would use its modern military equipment to conduct a counter-insurgency against guerrillas in every state across the country. That would inevitably be like General Sherman's scorched-earth policy during the Civil War, thoroughly destroying the United States. Even if China eventually withdrew, America would be ruined—perhaps unable to recover for a hundred years.

The Rockefeller representatives had asked the Chinese during their contact what they would do if the U.S. insisted on fighting to the end. The Chinese answer was simple: "Then we will fight to the extent the United States desires."

Rockefeller strategic analysts hadn't initially believed in such an attitude. But as the campaign on the North American west coast progressed, the resolute will and cold advance shown by the Chinese military forced the Rockefeller group to abandon all illusions.

Representative Flamenco realized he had nothing left to ask. He finally posed the vital question with a cold face: "What do the Chinese want me to do?"

"The Chinese hope the Representative will not obstruct any peace proposals," Hoffman answered.

"Is that all?" Flamenco was somewhat puzzled.

Hoffman sighed helplessly. "Alas... to date, the Chinese side only hopes that Representatives will not block peace proposals."

As he said this, Hoffman didn't believe it himself. History had proven He Rui to be a very reasonable man. Therefore, when He Rui made an excessive demand, he had surely already prepared extremely excessive means to back it up. Before reaching his goal, He Rui was an infinitely cruel man. If the enemy did not bow, He Rui would cleanly and efficiently take their head.

Meanwhile, in Washington D.C., Secretary of State Hull was consulting with the visiting Nazi German Foreign Minister Ribbentrop on whether to make peace with the Soviet Union. Ribbentrop had received advice from strategists like Manstein, so he spoke with great sincerity: "If we wish to eliminate the threat to Germany's eastern border, the Soviet Union must be further weakened. Otherwise, all Soviet promises could be false. Mr. Secretary, you know of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Stalin, who participated in that treaty, is now the General Secretary of the CPSU."

The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed in 1918 during World War I between the Soviet government and the Central Powers led by Germany.

In the treaty, the Soviets made massive concessions, ceding vast territories and paying reparations to Germany. Initially, the treaty's terms were rejected by the CPSU Central Committee, but ultimately Lenin used his personal prestige to force his comrades to accept his demands.

On February 24, 1918, the Soviet government sent a new delegation to negotiate with Germany. On March 3rd, the treaty was officially signed. Under the agreement, Soviet Russia ceded 3.23 million square kilometers of territory and paid 6 billion marks in reparations. Trotsky was removed as People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs. But Soviet Russia successfully exited World War I, buying breathing space for the newly born Soviet regime.

After Germany's defeat, the Armistice was signed on November 11th, and the Soviet government immediately declared the treaty void on November 12th, rendering its terms a piece of paper.

It was generally considered a successful diplomatic move by the Soviets to exchange space for time. It fully exploited international contradictions to give the new regime time to consolidate, creating favorable conditions for its survival. Furthermore, the success of this strategy brought Lenin's personal prestige to its peak.

However, every action has a price. By playing such a game, the Soviets enraged the Entente powers, leading them to view the CPSU as untrustworthy. Afterward, the Soviets refused to repay the loans France had given to Tsarist Russia, prompting the Entente to support the White Army in the Russian Civil War.

He Rui's Northeast Government had stepped forward at that time, providing weapons to the White Army and thereby gaining technical and industrial support from Britain and France, which laid the solid foundation for the Northeast Government's military industrial development.

Of course, He Rui was acting as part of the Entente then, fulfilling his obligations with the greatest enthusiasm and ability. Thus, even later, no fault could be found with his actions. Furthermore, He Rui had provided full-scale humanitarian aid at the time, preventing nearly a million White Russians from starving. He also mediated the conflict between the White Army forces that had fled into China and the Soviet government; from a humanitarian perspective, He Rui was undoubtedly a humanitarian who had saved countless lives.

Therefore, Ribbentrop did not criticize He Rui but pointed out that the CPSU's promises were unreliable.

Secretary Hull had no interest in these accusations. Since Ribbentrop believed the CPSU was unreliable, Hull asked: "Then can Germany achieve its own strategic goals?"

"Germany needs the United States to provide more resources to increase German combat power," Ribbentrop put forward Germany's demand.

Hull was almost amused by the gall. Suppressing his irritation, he said with a cold expression: "Then Germany needs to buy copper from Chile. U.S. copper stocks are nearly empty."

Ribbentrop did not press the issue; he knew Chile had signed a trade agreement with China to provide massive amounts of copper. Even if the Chilean government hadn't agreed, with China blockading the U.S. West Coast and the Panama Canal, the Chilean copper wouldn't reach the market. So Ribbentrop said: "We need more oil."

Europe's minerals were actually sufficient for Germany's war, but Europe itself was oil-poor. At this stage, Germany needed more oil to maintain its panzer and motorized units in battle.

This was not an unreasonable request; U.S. oil production was nearly 200 million tons, more than enough for domestic use. Ultimately, Hull proposed that the U.S. and German militaries form a joint group to discuss German operations against the USSR.

Ribbentrop, for his part, stated that as long as the German army could continue to deal heavy blows to the Red Army in the coming months, Germany was willing to negotiate peace with the Soviet Union and sign a treaty.

To make Hull understand that Germany wasn't just bluffing, Ribbentrop even emphasized: "Now Germany's greatest enemy is already China. The Soviet Union's exit from the war will allow Germany to withdraw troops to fight China in the Mediterranean and even the Arabian Peninsula. Only in this way can Europe and the white world be saved. Germany desires the end of the war more than the Soviet Union does. If the United States contacts the USSR, please make sure they understand this."

At this time, Ribbentrop did not know that a U.S. special envoy had already arrived in Moscow and was discussing a Soviet ceasefire with the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Molotov.

The envoy was Harry S. Truman, a Democratic politician and U.S. Senator.

Truman was a staunch anti-communist, and his appointment as envoy had not triggered a backlash in Congress. After meeting Molotov, Truman offered a polite greeting before stating frankly: "Mr. Commissar, I believe the Soviet Union should consider peace on the condition of a return to the pre-war borders."

Molotov was no pushover and immediately retorted: "Mr. Senator, I believe the United States should consider peace on the condition of a return to its own borders."

Truman had come prepared. Despite the rebuff, he replied readily: "If China withdraws from North America, returns Hawaii, and all the lands it has occupied, the United States will naturally choose peace."

These words left Molotov momentarily speechless. China would never give up the vast regions it had conquered, but the Soviet Union was the party whose territory had been taken. If the lost lands could be recovered through peace, the CPSU Central Committee would indeed consider the possibility.

Truman seized the opportunity to continue: "The Allies look forward to restoring peace with the Soviet Union. And in the eyes of the Allies, China is using the Soviet Union. They are also trying to compress the Soviet Union's strategic space.

"Mr. Commissar, Chinese troops have occupied Egypt and the Middle East. What will be China's next target? As far as we know, China has sent several groups of envoys to Turkey, using the maintenance of Turkish neutrality as leverage to exchange for Turkey not obstructing Chinese entry into the Black Sea.

"If the Chinese military enters the Black Sea, occupies Bulgaria and Romania, and links up with Hungary, a powerful military bloc will appear to the Soviet Union's south. From a geopolitical perspective, the USSR will be surrounded by China on three sides. What strategic space will be left for the Soviet Union?"

In negotiations between great powers, there are few conspiracies or tricks. Only by pointing out the core of the problem can a great power be persuaded. Truman was pointing out the Soviet Union's strategic threat.

Of course, Truman did not mention the strategic predicament the U.S. was currently facing. He was waiting for Molotov to bring it up.

Sure enough, Molotov said with a mocking expression: "Is the United States not also surrounded?"

Truman nodded solemnly. "Exactly, Mr. Commissar. The United States is also being surrounded. Therefore, should two great powers both facing Chinese encirclement not draw closer, or even cooperate effectively?" 州。