May 12th, 10:00 AM local time in Ecuador. In the capital city of Quito, situated on a mountain plateau, a unit of local armed forces marched boldly toward the Presidential Palace.

On the streets of Quito, other military forces were nowhere to be seen. Occasionally, a police officer who hadn't received the news appeared, but upon seeing the formation—and seeing blond-haired, blue-eyed American officers in U.S. military uniforms among them—they immediately turned and fled.

To the great powers in a time of war, such a small unit was nothing. But Ecuador was a small country with a population of only 500,000. A force of 300 soldiers was enough to turn the capital upside down.

The American officers in the group had received orders from above to lead this unit to teach the current President of Ecuador a lesson. This was because the President had stated on the 10th that he firmly opposed the U.S. invasion of Ecuador's Colón Archipelago.

The Colón Archipelago is also known as the Galápagos Islands. Belonging to Ecuador, they are located in the Pacific Ocean about 1,000 kilometers west of the South American continent. The islands cover over 7,500 square kilometers and consist of 13 small islands and 19 reefs formed from solidified lava from submarine volcanic eruptions.

The archipelago's diverse climate and the unique natural environment of its volcanic landscape allow plants and animals with different habits to grow and breed simultaneously on this land. A gathering place for exotic flowers, rare birds, and strange beasts, it is known as a "living museum of biological evolution." The islands are home to many species rare elsewhere in the world.

However, the islands are most famous for Charles Darwin's visit in 1835, which prompted him to later propose his famous theory of evolution. In Chinese textbooks, this is a very important piece of knowledge.

After the U.S. military suffered catastrophic defeats in the Pacific War, they lost all their islands in the Pacific. Especially after the defeat in New Zealand, they proposed to Ecuador to lease the Galápagos Islands. They initially thought a small country like Ecuador would surely agree. To the great surprise of the United States, Ecuador—a South American nation of 500,000—directly refused the U.S. request.

The current President stated clearly: "As a neutral country, Ecuador must strictly adhere to the obligations of neutrality. The U.S. request is undermining Ecuador's neutral status, and Ecuador cannot accept it."

In the past, when the United States encountered such a disobedient South American country, it would surely orchestrate a coup to overthrow the president. But with the Chinese already striking at America's doorstep, the U.S. simply didn't have enough time to launch a proper coup, so it adopted a strategy of bribery.

The 300-man unit was a battalion stationed near the capital. Its commander supported the former military government. When the Americans came to bribe him, the battalion commander proposed that he could send troops to take out the president, but after doing so, the elected government had to be overthrown and replaced with a military junta.

If time permitted, the American representatives would surely have agreed and written a letter of appointment for the commander: "So-and-so is the President of Ecuador."

But with the Chinese Air Force suddenly attacking Panama, the U.S. military was out of time and agreed verbally.

The battalion commander was a reckless man; he immediately gathered his troops and headed for the Presidential Palace. Combined with the Americans' prior activities, they reached the palace gates without incident.

The Presidential Palace was a three-story building in a Spanish style. The guards at the gate, seeing the 300 troops arriving arrogantly, immediately closed the doors and ducked inside.

The battalion commander took a megaphone and shouted toward the interior: "Brothers inside, how much pay do you get? Is it worth risking your lives? Let me ask you, have you received your wages for the past two months? Listen to me: open the gates, and I'll give you a full year's salary right now."

Fearing the palace guards wouldn't believe him, the commander brought the American officers to the front so the guards could see them clearly. Then he continued: "If you don't believe me, don't you believe the American masters? The American masters have done so much in our Ecuador; when have they ever failed to deliver the money they promised the brothers?"

U.S.-backed coups in South America were common. Although the reckless commander's language was crude, it was the honest truth. An American officer pulled out a bag and took out a stack of green bills, showing them to the Ecuadorian palace guards. These were U.S. dollars, not local Ecuadorian currency. They could be exchanged for local money on the black market instantly.

Under the combination of carrots and sticks, the palace guards wavered. An officer opened the gates and came out, bowing and scraping as he asked: "American masters, is it possible to give the money now?"

The American officer, accustomed to the nature of South American locals, pulled out a stack of cash and handed it over, saying arrogantly: "The rest of the money will be given after we catch your president."

The guard officer beamed with joy and immediately returned inside. A moment later, he led the guard unit as they withdrew.

Seeing no one blocking his path, the Ecuadorian battalion commander immediately directed his troops to charge into the Presidential Palace. The interior space was not large; a small country of 500,000 didn't need a massive office.

However, as the lead troops entered the palace, gunfire suddenly erupted. The windows of the three-story building were thrown open, and rifles and machine guns began spraying the rebel soldiers.

Simultaneously, the palace guards who had just "withdrawn" to the perimeter and surrendered their weapons suddenly pulled out 20-round Mauser "Broomhandle" pistols hidden in their trousers and launched an attack on the rebels. The rebels hadn't expected those who had just taken the money to turn on them so quickly; unable to react, they were mowed down in droves. Hearing the gunfire inside the palace, the other rebels didn't dare fight on; they all threw down their weapons, abandoned their American masters, and fled in all directions.

The American officers didn't have time to run. Seeing themselves surrounded, they weren't particularly afraid. The palace guard officer who had just been talking to them walked over, pointed a gun at them, and snatched the bag of money. The lead American officer's lips curled slightly in a look of disdain. But since the situation was unfavorable, he said as politely as possible: "Brother, you've taken the money; how about letting us go?"

The guard officer weighed the money bag and suddenly pulled the trigger. In moments, several American officers lay in pools of their own blood. In his final moments, the lead American officer was still in disbelief, only to see the guard officer crouch down and whisper: "You brought so much money; if I don't take your lives, I won't have a moment's peace."

The amount of money wasn't small, but to the American officer, it wasn't really much. Even if he were held hostage, the U.S. would surely be willing to pay much more to ransom him. But in that case, the guard officer wouldn't be able to keep this money for himself.

Thinking that he had died for such a small sum, the American officer wanted to scream at the heavens in his agony. But their wounds were fatal; in his agitation, his vision went black, and he plummeted toward death.

The rebels who participated in the American operation also suffered heavy casualties. Seeing that the entire force was about to be wiped out, the battalion commander quickly tried to escape with his personal guard. But the sound of dense footsteps came from the street; a unit suddenly appeared, cutting off his retreat.

Seeing no escape, the commander immediately raised his hands in surrender, losing all the bravado he had when charging toward the palace.

After thwarting the coup, Ecuador immediately relayed the news through its embassies and proxy channels in various countries. Ecuador only had 500,000 people and embassies only in major nations, but this was enough. Major countries knew Ecuador's strength and didn't believe it could prevent the U.S. from occupying the Galápagos.

The real significance conveyed by this suppression of the rebellion was that South America was attempting to break free from U.S. control. If a small country like Ecuador dared to do this, the larger South American nations would have even more strength to resist U.S. control.

Nations within the Allied group, in particular, saw a future that was far from pleasant. Even before the U.S. was defeated, South American countries were showing this attitude. If the U.S. were defeated, South American nations would surely bring in China to counter American influence in the region.

When the Roosevelt administration received the news, they were angry but momentarily had no solutions.

Ecuador was on the eastern coast of the Pacific. With U.S. strength, they could indeed directly strike into Ecuador. But defeating Ecuador didn't mean they could directly use its resources to fight China. Instead, such a military deployment would weaken the U.S. defensive system.

The members of the Roosevelt cabinet only felt humiliation, yet they never considered that America's casual manipulation of Ecuador's sovereignty was also a humiliation for that nation.

At this time, the unit that had helped the President of Ecuador crush the rebellion had also assembled and was withdrawing to its place of origin: the Republic of Colombia. Before their departure, the Chinese Ambassador to Ecuador went to see them off, putting considerable pressure on the commander of the Ecuadorian guard garrison who had also come to "see them off."

In the Republic of Colombia, the Colombian President was having lunch with the Chinese Ambassador to Colombia. The President was quite direct: "If your country defeats the United States, you would agree to Colombia recovering Panama, wouldn't you?"

In 1903, with U.S. support, Panama achieved its "second independence," seceding from the Republic of Colombia. That same year, the Hay-Bunau-Varilla Treaty was signed, giving the U.S. a permanent monopoly on the construction and operation of the Panama Canal, as well as the permanent occupation and use of the Canal Zone. In 1914, the U.S. opened the canal.

The Panama Canal generated significant revenue, and Colombia had long coveted it. Colombia was willing to support China because China promised that if it defeated the U.S., it would allow the people of Panama to hold a referendum to determine Panama's status.

The Chinese Ambassador to Colombia smiled and replied: "We will certainly hold a referendum. After all, Panama's independence was a U.S. conspiracy, not a fair independence."

This answer was the limit of what the Chinese Ambassador could say. While China did not support U.S. control of Panama, it also wasn't keen to see Colombia swallow it. Panama's best role would be as a small country with a canal.

Of course, to win over South American nations against the U.S., China couldn't directly show an intention to control their internal affairs. Therefore, the domestic view at this stage was still somewhat vague, with the more supported view being that even if Panama returned to Colombia, it should exist as a highly independent special zone.

In Chile, another South American Pacific nation, the President was also having lunch with the Chinese Ambassador to Chile. Chile was very far from the United States, and the U.S. currently had no ability to strike at it. Therefore, the Chilean President's main topic was trade between Chile and China.

Chile was rich in saltpeter and copper mines, and China most wanted to import Chilean copper. However, at this time, saltpeter was also an important war resource. Thus, the Chinese Ambassador, Bai Chongxi, assured Chile that China would purchase as much as Chile could produce.

As for the method of payment, Chile currently had significant doubts about the creditworthiness of the Chinese Yuan. Therefore, the Chinese side would provide industrial goods and munitions to Chile, including various infrastructure and industrial construction, in exchange for Chilean minerals.

The Chilean upper class no longer had any doubt about China's military victory. Since China could achieve such results, it must possess powerful industrial strength. Thus, the host and guests talked convivially, determining the direction of future cooperation.

During the coffee hour after lunch, Ambassador Bai Chongxi again conveyed Chairman He Rui's promise to the Chilean President: China would conduct diplomacy with Chile on the basis of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. Chile had no reason to fear that China would threaten its sovereignty or security.

After the lunch, the Chilean Foreign Minister invited Ambassador Bai Chongxi for afternoon tea. In the bright room, the fireplace had been lit. Chile is in the Southern Hemisphere, and it was now winter. The Chilean Foreign Minister reflected on the background of the Chinese Ambassador before him.

Bai Chongxi, born in 1893. In 1914, he entered the Baoding Military Academy. Because he wasn't a graduate at the time, he didn't make it onto He Rui's list of selected talents.

In 1924, the He Rui government gained national power in China. Bai Chongxi was then ordered to Baoding Military Academy for further training as an instructor-cadet. In 1925, he underwent reassignment and entered the University of Political Science and Law. After graduating in 1928, he transferred to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, serving in diplomatic posts in Japan, Korea, and other countries. In 1934, he became the consul at the San Francisco consulate in the U.S.

He returned home in 1941 and was later appointed Ambassador to Chile. From Bai Chongxi's resume, it appeared he might become the Director of the South American Department of the Chinese Foreign Ministry, or even hold a more important position.

Since Bai Chongxi came from a military background, the Chilean Foreign Minister asked calmly: "I have a hypothetical question. If a coup were to break out in Chile, I wonder how the Chinese side would respond?"

Ambassador Bai Chongxi replied solemnly: "China will conduct comprehensive cooperation with Chile to promote its economic development. As long as the national economy is good and the people's lives are stable, the possibility of civil war is very small."

The Chilean Foreign Minister laughed. "Haha, my dear friend. This is a purely private conversation, and what I'm speaking of is not civil war, but a coup. I want to hear your sincere advice."

Ambassador Bai continued solemnly: "China will never encourage a coup in another country. Because such a thing is, in the long run, very foolish. China has five thousand years of history; even fifty years is but a blink in China's history, not at all surprising. And for a nation, the decision to stop economic and trade relations can likely not be maintained even for five years.

"Even if trade disputes are intense, they can be resolved after a few years of negotiation. Why would we launch a coup?"

Hearing the description of "five thousand years of history," the Chilean Foreign Minister was startled and soon grew serious. Yes, compared to five thousand years, fifty years was indeed insignificant. But for a government, it was more than a dozen terms. This sense of historical weight gave the Chilean Foreign Minister an inexplicable shock.

After a pause, the Foreign Minister continued: "My friend, can you answer my question more directly?"

"We in China only deal with legitimate governments and legitimate political parties," Bai Chongxi replied.

The Chilean Foreign Minister frowned. "Doing so is admirable, but it doesn't seem to maximize China's interests."

Bai Chongxi shook his head. "If you extend the time to fifty years, doing so is what maximizes China's interests. Because only in this way can we gain the trust of the entire Chilean people. Let's imagine: fifty years, three generations. If three generations of Chileans believe that China will not interfere in Chile's internal affairs, then no matter what kind of government is in power, it can cooperate with China based on normal commercial trade and national interests.

"If China only considers the maximization of its own interests, and the standards for maximizing national interests are constantly changing, then every Chilean will believe that cooperation with China is unreliable."

The Chilean Foreign Minister thought for a long time before he could barely understand what Ambassador Bai was describing. This was not because his intelligence or comprehension was lacking, but because he couldn't understand why a seemingly rigid policy could be executed for fifty years or even longer. And why a powerful country like China would constantly give up short-term interests for fifty-year or longer-term benefits. In the eyes of South American nations, this choice was clearly not the tradition of world powers, nor was it the tradition of South American nations.

Finally, the Foreign Minister spoke: "My friend, I wonder if you have heard a rumor that the left-wing forces in Congress, led by the Communist Party, want to nationalize all Chilean copper mines. Meanwhile, the center-right parties still insist on corporate ownership."

Bai Chongxi nodded. "We in China have no intention of intervening in Chile's internal affairs. However, from an economic perspective, the nationalization of minerals is beneficial to the national treasury. As for the organizational model of mineral extraction—state-owned or private enterprises—each has its characteristics. This is decided by the operational capability of the enterprises.

"As for the Chinese government, it only considers doing business normally and does not consider obtaining any special privileges."

"Does China not want to obtain cheaper minerals?" the Foreign Minister pressed.

Bai Chongxi shook his head. "For a great power like China, no matter how cheap the minerals are, they won't be that cheap. China is fully capable of bearing the normal fluctuations of mineral prices. Imperialist nations don't actually care much about price fluctuations; what they truly want is to control the economic lifeblood of other countries.

"China is not an imperialist nation and will never choose the path of imperialism. China will never take control of Chile's economic lifeblood; China will also promote mutual development through cooperation with Chile. If the Chilean people become wealthy, they will surely buy more Chinese goods. This is excellent development for China."

China always used such rhetoric, so the Chilean Foreign Minister didn't care much, his expression showing some indifference.

Bai Chongxi saw this and offered an explanation regarding the core issue of copper prices: "Chile is not the only place in the world with copper mines. If Chilean copper prices become absurdly high, they will naturally lose competitiveness in the Chinese market. Chinese enterprises would then reduce contracts to buy copper from Chile.

"Mr. Minister, the price of copper is just a commercial issue, and commercial issues are resolved with commercial rules. Political mutual trust is very expensive, especially since it takes a long time to build. China can never use such an expensive price to gain a tiny bit of mineral profit. In our view, such an approach is extremely foolish—like exchanging gold and silver for stones; the values are completely disproportionate."

At this point, the Chilean Foreign Minister didn't intend to discuss it further. He had obtained the answer he wanted: China would not intervene in the internal struggles of the Chilean government for the sake of mineral trade or development rights.

At this stage, the Chilean government was a coalition government with many internal divisions. Each party wanted its own views to prevail, resulting in many internal messes.

Although Bai Chongxi spoke this way, the Foreign Minister didn't fully believe him. Whether the Chinese government would execute the diplomatic line Bai described would only be proven by time.

The United States was deeply rooted in South America, and some political figures in Chile were pro-American. Thus, the content of this meeting was quickly sent to the diplomatic department of the U.S. State Department.

Secretary of State Hull finished reading the report and actually hoped China's foreign policy was truly as Bai Chongxi described. If a pro-Chinese government appeared in Chile, it might join the Chinese military camp. If the Chilean government didn't change, the State Department was confident Chile would remain neutral.

But this relief lasted only a moment before Hull involuntarily frowned. The American war situation had worsened again. On the 12th, jet fighters from a Chinese carrier task force attacked Vancouver; China's military forces had officially begun their attack on North America. For the United States, this was an extremely dangerous beginning.