After Wu Youping suffered a myocardial infarction, the Politburo determined that he could no longer undertake excessive work. Consequently, Wu Youping had plenty of time to accompany He Rui and ensure that he did not overexert himself.

While successfully carrying out this task, Wu Youping also felt quite happy. Over the years, he had accumulated too many doubts, and now he finally had the time to seek guidance from He Rui. What troubled Wu Youping the most were those things that had eventually been resolved but remained ambiguous. Taking this opportunity, he began to tentatively ask about them one by one.

"Humans only believe in what they have seen," He Rui used this phrase again. "China had never previously possessed an industrial chain within its system. The comrades wanted to be able to effectively control the industrial chain while simultaneously preventing others from making trouble through intermediate products. At that time, I gave Anhui Province a harsh dressing down for this very reason. But I wasn't angry. I only hoped they could understand it sooner."

Hearing He Rui recount this matter so calmly, Wu Youping no longer worried that He Rui harbored any feelings of settling scores after the fact, as Wu Youping himself often felt very unhappy when remembering these things.

Having clarified one aspect of the "management relaxation" that had been a major issue four years ago, the grudge in Wu Youping's heart finally dissipated. He sighed, "Chairman, it seems Chairman Li also figured this out early on. He has already considered solving the other side of the problem."

He Rui asked calmly, "Comrade Li Runshi has the courage to engage in struggle within the party. Take that Anhui matter—those comrades who wanted to control the development of the industrial chain indeed had issues that needed adjustment. But were those comrades who advocated for complete deregulation necessarily right?"

Hearing this, Wu Youping quickly looked at He Rui. He saw that He Rui's gaze was unusually calm. Wu Youping hurriedly replied, "Chairman, I didn't hear a thing just now."

He Rui trusted Wu Youping. Seeing that Wu Youping had clearly expressed that he would never get involved in internal party struggles, he replied, "Formulating and executing policy is like this. It's not that going east is wrong, so going west must be right. Control is not necessarily wrong, and indulgence is not necessarily right. We need to develop China's industries through policy execution. Therefore, Comrade Runshi needs more support, especially for his vision."

"Chairman, your health will recover," Wu Youping replied decisively.

Seeing Wu Youping's excessive tension, He Rui couldn't help but laugh. "Haha, that's not for us to consider. The China of today has entered a completely new era. Original history was the history of emperors, generals, and ministers. The future is the people's view of history (People's History)."

"The people's view of history?" Wu Youping replied thoughtfully.

Seeing the confusion on Wu Youping's face—as someone who had never seen a world based on the people's view of history—He Rui posed a question: "If a six or seven-year-old child said he wanted to inherit his father's business as the governor of the Agricultural Development Bank, what would you think?"

"Inherit the business? A six or seven-year-old?... Chairman, are you joking?" Wu Youping's face changed slightly.

He Rui stopped smiling and asked calmly, "You certainly thought of hereditary succession and have a fair amount of vigilance toward it. But how would the ordinary people see it? Would they think it's right?"

Wu Youping didn't know how to answer. He felt the ordinary people might feel envy and jealousy, but they might not necessarily be firmly opposed.

Before Wu Youping could think of an answer, He Rui continued: "The hereditary system has huge benefits for those in power. I can tell you clearly, Youping, that Chinese civilization has accumulated so much depth that it knows exactly what hereditary succession is. It is very clear about the problems that inevitably arise from it. Therefore, what we need now is for the people to move from the stage of spontaneous, ignorant opposition to privilege into a stage of conscious opposition to privilege.

"But abroad, privilege is still the mainstream. The children of politicians are still politicians; the children of zaibatsu (financial cliques) are still the heads of zaibatsu. This is the reality of the world.

"For us, for Comrade Li Runshi, the question is whether we ourselves can firmly oppose privilege! Youping, do you have the courage to stand on the opposite side of so many... comrades?"

Wu Youping had originally been hesitating to speak, but now he could say nothing at all. Generally speaking, in the early stages of a new regime, systems are strict and ideals are firm. Therefore, many things do not happen.

However, China had developed too quickly. It seemed that in an instant, employment and personal development opportunities that once required connections and status had suddenly appeared out of nowhere. As Premier, Wu Youping was naturally very aware of many things happening within the government—things he personally despised.

Wu Youping himself couldn't stand many things and wouldn't support them; if given the chance, he would certainly strike hard at them. But to have him stand on the opposing side to struggle and reverse them—Wu Youping knew he had neither the strength nor the courage to face it.

Facing the sense of powerlessness generated by this great opposition, Wu Youping felt regret and shame. But He Rui said: "It's not your fault. If our goal were not to liberate the world and make China the leading force in the world, I would have made adjustments myself. But our goal is that large, so I first had to let the economy grow wildly. All policies were aimed at making the economy develop more rapidly. Since efficiency was the priority, the pursuit of equity/fairness was naturally placed in a secondary position."

"But...", Wu Youping wanted to defend He Rui, because he felt what He Rui said was unfair to He Rui himself.

"No 'buts'," He Rui interrupted. "The massive gains the people have received are actually the gains that can be provided by fairness when it is placed in a secondary position. Therefore, Youping, you can surely understand the great power of industrialization."

Wu Youping could only nod. As Premier, he had already deeply understood the great power of industrialization.

"Once we finish this war, if China continues to pursue efficiency, it will move directly to the opposite side of the people's view of history. Furthermore, in the future era, many people will try every means to confuse concepts. For instance, they will use the concept of 'freedom' to replace the concept of 'fairness,' and use the talk of 'money' to replace the concept of 'assets.' They will attempt to use 'opposition' to stealthily replace the concepts of 'maneuvering' and 'struggle.' Do you believe it?"

Wu Youping noticed that when He Rui said this, there was an unmistakable emotion in his expression. It was clear He Rui cared deeply about these things. And Wu Youping could understand, because politics is a highly conceptualized ideal; indeed, a miss by an inch is a loss by a thousand miles. Wu Youping himself had dealt with too many low-level entanglements, and they had infuriated him.

"This is the future Comrade Li Runshi will have to face; I even feel a bit of sympathy for him. Haha." Speaking to this point, He Rui couldn't help but give a bitter laugh.

Wu Youping was now more certain of the reason He Rui supported Li Runshi. If Li Runshi's historical stage required him to complete this task, he would be a great politician who was completely worthy of respect, or even sympathy.

After a moment of reflection, He Rui continued: "So, let's just finish the war first. After all, this is the war we decided to launch. If the comrades of the Politburo ask you, tell them that we can now clearly send the signal: we will thoroughly crush the representative nation of colonialism, Britain. Oh, right—from now on, use the formal name: the United Kingdom."

He Rui did not preside over the Politburo meeting; Li Runshi was in charge. In the meeting, Li Runshi already skillfully arranged the work and inquired about various progress. His ease of movement made Wu Youping appreciate him more and more.

Especially after talking with He Rui, Wu Youping's thinking had shifted to a completely new political direction, allowing him to see the essence of Li Runshi's own "people's view of history."

He Rui himself also held the people's view of history, but while Li Runshi had the heroic spirit of "regarding the lords of the past as mere dust," He Rui had a certain hostility, like "treading upon the bones of the nobles in the streets of the capital." Of course, He Rui would not show this, but the subtle difference was, in Wu Youping's eyes, glaringly obvious.

Therefore, Wu Youping even felt a sense of relief. If the person launching the internal struggle were He Rui, things would become exceptionally cruel.

Amidst these thoughts, Wu Youping heard Li Runshi say: "...At this stage, we must release news to the outside world. We must deal another heavy blow to the United Kingdom and liberate Canada from colonial rule!"

Wu Youping's spirits lifted. It seemed Li Runshi and He Rui shared exactly the same thinking. Even though everyone knew China and the U.S. were bound to have a massive battle in Canada, both Li Runshi and He Rui were quite restrained in their public statements.

No one expressed opposition, so the proposal put forward by Li Runshi was quickly passed. The day after the meeting ended, as the secretary of this meeting, Foreign Minister Li Shiguang distributed the documents to the members of the Politburo Standing Committee. After reading them, Wu Youping found that the resolutions passed in this meeting did not encounter internal resistance.

Generally speaking, the content discussed in meetings is not nonsense from the participants, and the possibility of gaining recognition is quite high. However, the many proposals that are passed often conflict with each other on some content, or at least encounter priority conflicts.

Therefore, it is rare for a situation to arise where all proposals do not conflict. After all, a country has only so many resources; if Resource A is given, it's unlikely B will immediately get enough. Such "ladle hitting the pot rim" situations are all too common.

Even comrades who are very good at cooperation and compromise, as long as they enter the low-level decision-making meetings, must quickly learn the internal struggle for interests. This is a necessary skill to learn.

In this meeting, although the resource demands proposed by the various standing committee members were very large, the country's existing resources could still meet them. Wu Youping couldn't help but marvel; He Rui's correct strategic direction and policy execution had truly accumulated terrifying resources that could temporarily satisfy China's needs. This was the startling strength possessed only by great strategists.

Or to go a step further, the fact that Li Runshi could effectively allocate the terrifying resources created by He Rui proved that Li Runshi was a great strategist entirely on par with He Rui.

Li Runshi did not know Wu Youping's thoughts. Even if he did, he probably wouldn't care. Because He Rui and Wu Youping were the kind of people who gained ability through study, while Li Runshi had more innate talent. For him, mastering details required study, but walking in this direction didn't require thought at all—he just would do it that way. Therefore, Li Runshi's current focus was more on how to enable the comrades to keep up with his pace.

Of course, Li Runshi also recognized the massive resources He Rui had created and felt sincere admiration. As the saying goes, "He who has much wealth is a good merchant, and he who has long sleeves is good at dancing." If the country's foundation is thick and its strength is high, many things that other countries consider impossible can be achieved in a powerful nation.

However, Li Runshi did not feel a sense of gratitude, because he believed He Rui didn't need it at all. In Li Runshi's view, He Rui's goal in working so hard to achieve these things was to give the comrades more space to operate. If he were to be grateful to He Rui for this, it would undoubtedly be an insult to He Rui, or even a desecration.

The war against the United States was the core of the present. Li Runshi had always believed that the U.S. was unlikely to quit while it was ahead, while the comrades always felt that the U.S. might choose to withdraw from the war after suffering a series of losses.

As for He Rui, although he had been preparing for the invasion of North America and had made preparations for a super-massive war with the U.S. there, he himself also had a certain illusion about the United States, expecting it to proactively back down. Of course, as a strategist, He Rui never allowed his personal thoughts to influence strategic preparations. Therefore, war preparations had reached the limit of what China could achieve, so even though He Rui's personal expectations failed, it did not affect the subsequent war arrangements at all.

This is the characteristic of a strategist. Even if the strategist's personal expectations do not align with reality, it does not prevent the strategist from pushing reality according to the facts themselves. Since everything was ready, Li Runshi had proactively taken on the responsibility of commanding the North American campaign.

On May 4th, the British cabinet received the latest news: China was about to deal another lethal blow to Britain.

When Churchill saw that China was going to "liberate" Canada, a smile appeared on his chubby face. Not just Churchill—the members of the Churchill cabinet were also quite relaxed. Some smiled, some sighed. Someone even pulled out a flask and took a swig.

Smelling the aroma of alcohol, Foreign Secretary Edward Wood, Lord Halifax, suggested to Churchill: "Prime Minister, let's have a drink together."

Churchill readily agreed. Soon, several bottles of sherry were opened and biscuits were served. The members of the British cabinet, who had been very nervous about the United States annexing Canada, relaxed and raised their glasses. Churchill said: "To the British Empire!"

"To the British Empire!" the cabinet members echoed in unison, drinking the fine wine in their glasses in one go.

After the next round of drinks was poured, Foreign Secretary Halifax sighed: "I suggest we do not invite the United States to send troops."

The other ministers expressed their agreement, as did Churchill. Once Britain proactively requested the U.S., the United States would have a reason to stay in Canada and not leave. Now the United States certainly could not stay out of it, so it would definitely proactively request to send troops to help Britain. What Britain had to do now was designate the regions of Canada the U.S. could enter; they couldn't let the Americans enter just anywhere.

Of course, the United States certainly wouldn't agree. So a cabinet member asked: "If the United States forcibly enters Canada, what should we do?"

Churchill had already lit a cigar. Amidst the curling fragrance, he replied: "Then we only have one thing to worry about, and that is a peace deal between China and the United States."

Several cabinet members changed color, but Churchill remained composed. "From the current situation, unless the United States suffers massive losses—losses so great that it can no longer maintain the war—it is impossible for the U.S. to reach a peace deal with China."

The British Empire had extensive experience in "bandit politics," so the cabinet members all supported Churchill's view. The war between China and the United States was quite similar to the Anglo-French Napoleonic Wars. The greatest conflict between Britain and France was not their mutual historical hatred, let alone the beheading of Louis XVI.

The Anglo-French Napoleonic War was a battle for economic dominance. Just as the war between China and Britain itself was not China seeking revenge for the Opium War of 1840, or even a struggle for colonies, but a battle between China and Britain for dominance over the world economy.

If the United States stopped the war, it would mean giving up economic dominance. The Chinese Yuan would replace the British Pound as the greatest competitor to the U.S. Dollar. Furthermore, China's shouting about global liberation this time meant that after defeat, the dollar would become a domestic U.S. currency, and even the dollar shares the U.S. had worked hard to accumulate over decades would be lost.

For these reasons, the United States would certainly have to fight until it could no longer do so before it would consider a peace deal. And what Britain needed now was for China and the U.S. to fight a major war, just as Britain was currently supporting Germany and the Soviet Union in their fight to the death. Only when the other major powers of the world were greatly consumed in war could Britain possibly reap the benefits and maintain its status as a major power after the war.

As for a place like Canada, while it was also important to Britain, for the sake of Britain's major power status, it appeared not so important.

The reason a great power is a great power, besides possessing a vast territory and a huge population, is that it also needs strong manufacturing power, strong currency and financial capabilities, and vast wealth that can endure a difficult war. Only by possessing these conditions, along with a national elite capable of operating them, can a great power continue to be strong.

The British cabinet had strong confidence in Britain. All the true great powers of the world now—the United States, China, the Soviet Union, Germany, and France—had once been defeated by Britain. Therefore, the British cabinet had strong confidence that this time, Britain could still win!

In Washington, Roosevelt felt some regret. Although his actions were indeed to fight to the end, he had also once had expectations of China—that China would realize it was likely to be defeated in North America and would therefore be the first to lower its head and humbly seek U.S. support.

If China had been willing to lower its head, Roosevelt could have truly pushed for Sino-American peace. But He Rui's government clearly did not intend to do so, and Roosevelt could only regretfully watch as this war continued.

Furthermore, Roosevelt had another reason for regret: the progress of nuclear weapons development was not as fast as imagined. Even the new generation of jet fighters, which were originally expected to be finished later, were completed ahead of schedule, but the research and development of nuclear weapons had been delayed. The specific problem seemed to be one of project execution, which Roosevelt didn't understand.

If they could first develop nuclear weapons, Roosevelt would have a sharp tool to deal with the Chinese army. A weapon that could destroy over 100,000 troops would surely cause immense shock to China. At the very least, now that it was highly likely China possessed nuclear weapons, the United States could use nuclear weapons to deter China.

But Roosevelt did not immerse himself in meaningless imagination. He ordered: "Have MacArthur come to see me, and have Eisenhower come along too."