**Chapter 875: Time for North America (2)**

The clerk for the high-level Military Commission meeting made his records in silence. Beside the written notes, a tape recorder spun quietly, preserving every word.

The more formal the meeting, the more complete the record. Li Runshi and the "Five Tiger Generals" were well aware of this and had long been accustomed to the routine. Li spoke directly to the purpose of the gathering: "The Chairman wishes to determine the next operational objectives and requires us to discuss them. Comrades, do you have any opinions?"

No one voiced a disagreement. It was indeed time to decide on the next strategic direction. Xu Chengfeng was characteristically blunt: "I believe the operations already underway in Africa cannot be stopped. The real question to consider is the feasibility of operations against North America."

With Xu being so direct, the other four no longer engaged in probing. The General Staff had long ago begun formulating plans for an advance into North America, constantly updating them as the war progressed. By now, these plans were quite mature.

To focus the discussion, Xu continued: "Over the past few months, the Navy has dispatched nine scientific survey ships to conduct hydrographic data collection in the waters from Hawaii to North America. Naval vessels have also conducted large-scale training cruises. Naval Command has completed a vast number of operational plans; a landing in North America can be launched at any time."

Li Runshi listened to Xu's description, waiting for the word "but." These plans were no secret to him; he had studied them and their progress carefully. China possessed the strength to land in North America, yet that didn't mean the war would continue to follow a plan once they were ashore. At this moment, Li wanted to hear more diverse views.

Xu did not say "but." After finishing his brief overview of the preparations, he said simply, "The preliminary work for a North American landing is complete. The plan for *how* to land requires a decision from the Center."

With that, Xu fell silent, waiting for others to speak. This seemingly "hands-off" or aristocratic approach initially displeased Li. But on second thought, he felt a sense of release. The Five Tiger Generals were all under fifty and had been extremely busy for the past twenty-seven years; where would they find the time for posturing?

In Li's view, Xu was simply accustomed to He Rui setting the policy and viewing himself as an executor rather than a formulator. As Xu had said, "a decision from the Center" was needed. He Rui always made his judgments from an extremely high vantage point, allowing comrades of Xu's level to understand what role the war played in the nation and the world. Now, Xu likely expected Li to perform the same function.

Li questioned the other comrades; four of them indicated that the preliminary work was essentially set. Only Cheng Ruofan, responsible for the World People's Liberation Army (WPLA), said a few words more: "The situation in North America differs from Africa. Currently, the liberation of Africa is proceeding more smoothly than we imagined, yet the white military in South Africa continues to issue arrogant statements. In North America, the numbers and strength of the white population are overwhelming. They do not rely on colonialism or slavery to maintain production. Therefore, we cannot simply copy our experience of liberating colonies."

Cheng Ruofan could have remained silent, but he held a high opinion of Li and thus chose to express his goodwill.

Li understood Cheng's intent and gave him a nod before turning to the others. "At this stage, there are two choices. One is a direct landing in North America, which will inevitably trigger a fierce land war with the US. The other is to ignore North America for now and continue the liberation of Africa and Europe. North America lacks the capacity to project forces that could change the course of the European war; they can only watch as the situation develops according to our plan. Once the rest of the world is liberated, North America will become an isolated island.

If we adopt the latter strategy, we only need to send someone to discuss the issue of the US forces in New Zealand with the Americans. That will essentially determine the attitude of the Roosevelt administration."

Hearing that Li intended to use the US forces trapped in New Zealand as a bargaining chip, Zheng Silang finally decided to join the discussion. "Vice Chairman Li, do you trust American credibility?"

Li replied immediately, "Imperialists have never been reasonable; once they start reasoning with you, it's because they've been driven to a dead end. However, no matter how unreasonable they are, they cannot create a world out of thin air. What America needs is a global market to solve its internal economic crisis. And we launched the world liberation war to establish an entirely new world economic and trade order.

If we choose to negotiate, it certainly won't be over the simple matter of whether to let the New Zealand troops return home. Instead, it will revolve around the core issues of America's participation in the war. On such fundamental issues, the US cannot deceive us."

Hearing Li speak from such a height, Zheng was essentially certain that he wasn't looking to use the New Zealand pocket as a mere "door-knocker" for talks. He relaxed and looked toward Zhong Yifu.

Zhong, like Zheng, hoped for a landing in North America. This was more out of a soldier's instinct—like a feline that can't help but strike at any target it can. Zhong and Zheng shared a glance, then looked away, waiting for Li to continue.

Li was feeling considerable pressure. A North American landing would inevitably trigger a war of high intensity and ferocity, the future of which was unpredictable; even He Rui hesitated to make a definitive judgment. Li was equally reluctant. However, He Rui was not one to dump a burden on others; to ensure victory after a landing, he had made extensive preparations, giving the comrades ample room.

Now Li only needed to discuss with them to what extent they should proceed after landing, without worrying about shifts affecting the overall strategy. For a decision-maker, this was an exceptionally friendly environment. Li asked, "Comrades, there are two choices for a North American landing: Canada or the US West Coast. The difference is vast. Commander Xu, what is the General Staff's latest assessment of a Canadian landing?"

Xu replied immediately, "The latest assessment is that after landing in the Vancouver area, as winter temperatures there remain around 0°C, our army can utilize Vancouver and the ports to its north to provide approximately 50,000 tons of supplies per week at this stage. Naval combat supplies can be provided from Hawaii. Our divisions require 125 tons of supplies per day. With a ceiling of 100,000 tons [bi-weekly?], we can sustain 50 divisions in combat."

At this, noticing the intense gazes of the others, Xu added hurriedly, "The prerequisite is that we must capture the ports intact and continue their construction to expand their handling capacity. If we fail to do so, our landing force will be subject to a heavy counter-attack by superior US numbers.

In that case..."

Xu stared at Li but did not finish his sentence. Li sensed he was considering the possibility of a nuclear strike against US concentrations. A massive US force encircling Vancouver would be an ideal target for nukes; a few bombs could cripple hundreds of thousands of troops.

Li simply spoke plainly: "I do not believe it is necessary for us to use nuclear weapons against America first. With our current combat capability, even relying solely on carrier-based aircraft, our forces can hold out until Vancouver and the northern ports are repaired.

Furthermore, regarding strategic objectives: unlike fuel-air explosives or thermobaric bombs, nuclear weapons have far too large a kill target. Once China uses them first, the US will have every reason to believe China's war aim is their total destruction.

Only if a great power intended the total destruction of another—and possessed that capability from the start—could they use nukes first. Otherwise, do not use them against a great power.

Moreover, the great powers of today have no need to destroy the world. Once industrial strength reaches a sufficient level, a power needs global markets, not global ruins. In this regard, the views of China and America differ little."

Seeing Li had finally stepped into his role, Xu asked, "While unlikely, should we discuss the possibility of the US leadership 'jumping the wall' in desperation and trying to drag the world down with them?"

Li found the question interesting; it seemed Xu had no intention of opposing He Rui's arrangements. At most, he was testing whether Li intended to use a North American offensive to cement his own prestige.

With a general idea, Li replied, "We did not launch a global liberation war to establish Chinese hegemony. Over the past five hundred years, Western efforts to do so have caused countless tragedies. And every nation that attempted it has, without exception, failed. China has no reason to repeat their mistake.

As for the US leadership acting in desperation, they would certainly want to. But few in America would be willing to serve as their cannon fodder. Even among the elite, few would be willing to do such a thing.

Most of the US elite expect their interests not to suffer, or even to gain more through the war. At this stage, we must provide America with a political way out, rather than letting them feel the Sino-American conflict is a zero-sum game."

At the mention of "not a zero-sum game," Xu felt a surge of irritation. Currently, the US was clearly the one playing a zero-sum game, yet Li was following He Rui in opposing it. Xu found it hard to swallow.

Before Xu could speak, however, Li continued: "We can take Japan as an example. In 1922, Japan's industrial GDP was roughly two-thirds of all China's. By 1942, the money Japan earned within the Asian Economic Community was over 15 times its 1922 level. Yet China's industrial GDP is now over 15 times Japan's.

With current Chinese strength, America cannot threaten our homeland. China can fully allow the US to earn Chinese legal tender, but as development continues, our strength will reach several times that of America. Economic cooperation invariably leads to such results.

What China needs is not to conquer America, but to establish the world economic order we envision, along with our leadership position within it."

Xu heard this but said, "But the US truly wishes to destroy the New Order China has established."

Li nodded. "But the US couldn't even destroy the Versailles system established by Britain and France; on what basis can they destroy ours?

Unless they can provide a better trade system to the world—and such a system must rely on the status of the Dollar as a global currency. China currently has about twenty to thirty years to establish the new borders of Africa. Thus, the US currency lacks the capability to gain a foothold even there. Let alone the Dollar controlling Europe!"

Xu wanted to retort but found his own knowledge insufficient to do so in the field Li had pointed out. He looked at the others; Cheng Ruofan's eyes were shining with admiration for Li's strategic depth. Zheng and Zhong were pensive yet clearly had no intention of arguing.

Finally, Xu asked bluntly, "Vice Chairman Li, do you believe it is necessary to land in North America?"

Li replied decisively, "It is not a matter of whether *we* believe it is necessary. It is whether the *United States* believes it is necessary to fight a land war at its own doorstep. If they believe so, we land. If the Roosevelt administration can withstand the pressure and make a wise decision, why should we exhaust vast human and material resources fighting in North America?"

Dissatisfied with this perfectly logical view, Xu asked further: "Vice Chairman Li, let me ask you: do you personally *expect* a North American landing?"

This question made the other four generals' eyes light up. As soldiers, they often had strong impulses. Even knowing that "a nation, though large, that loves war will surely perish," they remained highly emotional.

Li had intended to give a direct answer but found he couldn't speak of such considerations. After a silence, he said, "The cause of human liberation is long and arduous; we are at the end of our days. Simply using correct concepts to work is enough to exhaust our strength. Let us not go looking for trouble. We have no right to speak of our own whims."

Xu was very unsatisfied with the answer. Yet he had an intuition that Li likely also hoped to land in North America—to water his horses in the Mississippi, boat upon the Great Lakes, and look out over the Atlantic from the East Coast.

That he could still treat strategy with such cold calm despite such expectations proved Li possessed extremely powerful capability and confidence. Xu had long wished for such strength yet found he could never achieve it. After much reflection, he had to admit his talent lay only in the military. Thus, his vision was limited to military strategy.

He Rui was a strategist, but military ability was perhaps not his most outstanding talent. That was why He Rui never called himself a strategist but preferred to say he loved economics and philosophy.

And rumor had it that Li Runshi claimed he'd rather be an artist or a poet. Xu had initially thought it was just a romantic affectation, but after reading *On Protracted War* and hearing him now, he had to admit he was likely not Li's equal.

Seeing that Xu—the leader among the Five Tigers—had finally given up his probing, Li pulled the conversation back to pure military matters. "Comrades, personally I believe the Roosevelt administration will very likely march into Canada and take full control of it as soon as our forces land there. If that happens, it means they are preparing for an end to the war.

So no matter how fierce the offensive we face in the initial stage of the Canadian landing, as long as we clear that phase, the Roosevelt administration will likely choose a truce.

And we need not demand bases in North America. Our requirements will be political: specifically, the establishment of a Native American nation."

At this, the last of Xu's doubts vanished. A Native American state would inevitably choose China to protect its security. And Chinese help would be filled with righteousness and a high moral ground.

Or more plainly, China would seize the moral high ground. The US would likely argue that its massacre and displacement of the Indians was a righteous act. As long as they did, it would only cement China's moral height. As for the strategic benefits China would gain in North America—there was no even need to discuss them.

After some discussion, the Military Commission under Li Runshi reached an operational plan for the next stage and submitted it to He Rui.

Once the meeting ended, Cheng Ruofan raised a question: "Vice Chairman Li, some within the WPLA believe we must allow Africa to become independent immediately. How should we respond to such views?"

Xu and the others hadn't paid much attention to African affairs and were puzzled. They looked to Li, who replied easily: "We also believe Africa must become independent as quickly as possible. But how are the borders to be drawn? How is the social organization to be built?

If we rush into independence, we will inevitably use the borders drawn by the colonizers. We cannot accept such a result. Adopting colonial borders means the vast African continent will continue to develop under the order established by colonialism. That holds only harm for Africa, no benefit.

We must emphasize to our WPLA comrades that we are there to liberate Africa, not to establish our own careers there. Therefore, we welcome them to monitor our decisions at any time and offer their opinions. Only thus can we truly let the African and global peoples understand that the cause of liberation is not a fancy garment or an ornament, but serious, hard work.

China's short-term full trusteeship of Africa stems from our willingness to undertake this arduous task, regardless of idle chatter or even malicious slander from outside."

Cheng felt a sense of clarity and couldn't help but clap, praising loudly: "Excellent! I'll go back and arrange it just like that!"