V07C164 - Aiding the Soviet Union (20)
Volume 7: World War II · Chapter 164
**Chapter 863: Aiding the Soviet Union (20)**
The Soviet counter-offensive plan was divided into three sectors: North, Center, and South. Regardless of the sector, they employed the pincer tactics learned from the Wehrmacht, aiming to encircle and annihilate the enemy.
Forces in the Leningrad region were to drive south, coordinating with the northern assault cluster of Moscow to wipe out the northern units of the German Army Group Center.
The southern cluster of the Moscow Group would conduct an encirclement of the remaining Army Group Center forces.
The Southwestern and Caucasian Fronts were to encircle German Army Group South.
At this time, Zhukov was ordered to command the Leningrad (Saint Petersburg) front, while Acting Chief of Staff Vasilevsky was tasked with formulating the new counter-offensive plan.
Vasilevsky was not entirely satisfied with Zhukov, especially regarding the tactics employed during the Moscow counter-attack. Zhukov's method of concentrating superior numbers for dense frontal charges had resulted in staggering casualties that struck Vasilevsky deeply. Every battle left the Red Army soldiers carpeted across the landscape. in Vasilevsky's view, Zhukov had ruthlessly used mass-charge tactics to achieve goals in the shortest time, causing many avoidable deaths.
Initially, Vasilevsky felt an impulse and confidence that he could formulate a more rational plan. However, when the first draft was submitted, Stalin gave it only a cursory glance before putting it down and asking calmly, "Comrade Vasilevsky, you seem to have failed to grasp what our army needs most right now."
Vasilevsky was taken aback. While he didn't know Stalin's specific expectations, he sensed they were beyond his imagination. He mustered the courage to reply, "General Secretary, our army needs to repel the Germans as quickly as possible and deal them a heavy blow."
Stalin remained calm. "I do not see in your report any plan aimed at the total annihilation of the Wehrmacht."
In that moment, Vasilevsky felt he understood why Zhukov had accepted the transfer and obediently headed to Leningrad. If Stalin's goal was the total annihilation of the Germans, the current Red Army was clearly incapable of fulfilling it.
But Vasilevsky knew Stalin's toughness and understood his urgency. After weighing the options, he said, "General Secretary, I will immediately adjust the current operational plan."
"I give you twelve hours. I hope you can produce a reasonable plan!" Stalin replied.
This exchange occurred at 9:00 AM on December 10th. He Rui received the report at 4:00 PM on December 11th. Currently, there were elements within the USSR highly dissatisfied with Stalin, yet they had no intention of collaborating with Nazi Germany. To them, the He Rui government, with its philosophy of world liberation, was the most viable partner.
In terms of governance, He Rui held a high opinion of Stalin. The USSR indeed needed a leader like him. But in terms of warfare, Stalin's performance to date had done nothing to dispel He Rui's "cute" and wishful impression.
He Rui had just finished an inspection of the Beijing-Tianjin industrial zone and was preparing to pay respects to Zhang Xiluan. Seeing the expectant look of the Central Secretariat staffer delivering the intelligence, He Rui reflected for a few seconds before asking, "Please have the Central Committee find out the quantity of rations carried by the Soviet units during the counter-offensive."
The staffer was dazed, unsure how to interpret this order. He Rui looked at the young man and didn't explain further, knowing humans cannot truly imagine what they haven't seen. Since the Northeast era of 1915, the Chinese National Defense Force had never faced a supply shortage. The comrades in the government simply couldn't conceive of millions of men launching a major campaign without adequate logistics.
He Rui added, "Just pass my suggestion to the Center; the comrades there will surely be able to obtain this information."
The message was sent to Beijing via encrypted line. The Center conducted an intelligence gather, and forty-eight hours later, the findings made even the usually stoic Hu Xiushan stand up and walk to the window in silence, hands behind his back.
By now, Lieutenant General Vasilevsky had submitted the new plan, and Stalin had made extensive adjustments to it. Even so, the new plan didn't seem excessive to the Chinese leadership. Utilizing the harsh weather to launch an annihilation battle against three million Germans who were 500 to 1,000 kilometers from their primary bases was a sound choice.
However, the advancing Red Army units typically carried only about a week's worth of supplies. The spearheads of the northern Moscow assault cluster, to save time, had begun their deep-penetration thrust with only three days' worth.
Hu Xiushan remained silent, and the non-military members of the Central Committee didn't know what to say. Even during the 1922 war with Japan, the self-proclaimed "stoic" Japanese army hadn't done anything so absurd.
Fortunately, the door opened, and Li Runshi, having rushed back from Wuhan, appeared. In He Rui's absence, Li was temporarily in charge of Central affairs. While some comrades had reservations about He Rui's decisions, they felt a sense of relief at Li's arrival. With someone to make the final call, the meeting could proceed.
Hardly had Li reached his seat when a secretary handed him the file. After reading it and re-reading the sections highlighted in red, he couldn't help but reach for a cigarette.
Hu Xiushan returned to his seat and said to Li, "Vice Chairman Li, the USSR already lacks sustained combat capability. Carrying so few supplies, they cannot execute a long-duration thrust. Stalin's plan cannot succeed."
Li didn't answer immediately, puffing on his cigarette and furrowing his brow in thought. The comrades waited; those who didn't wish to see Li take the reins of China's future felt his reaction was far slower than He Rui's. Had He Rui been presiding, he would have given an answer by now.
Just as some thought he would remain silent, Li spoke: "What we need to focus on now is not the Soviet pursuit, but whether the Wehrmacht will fall into the same retreat trap that Napoleon once did. Faced with highly unfavorable conditions, retreating to a secure area seems the most rational choice. But once the Germans retreat, it will turn into a total rout. In such a rout, they will abandon all the equipment they cannot use. This would severely damage their ability to fight next year. Therefore, the German leadership will choose a 'hold firm and not a step back' plan."
From the moment Li began to speak, Hu Xiushan's attention was intensely focused. Li's line of thought was at a very high strategic level; Hu had only seen such a mode of thinking that pierced directly to the core in He Rui.
Once Li finished, Hu stared at him for a moment before looking down. A non-military committee member asked, "Vice Chairman Li, how do you view Chairman He's focus on the Soviet logistical supply?"
This question reflected the thoughts of most of the committee. They were used to He Rui's sharp judgments and profound analysis. They felt his mention of Soviet logistics must have deeper meaning.
Li Runshi knew what they were thinking. For years, as long as they implemented He Rui's policies and understood his intent, they had achieved seemingly impossible goals. Li didn't want to break that habit, but he felt the comrades were currently on the wrong path.
Seeing they all wanted an explanation, Li replied, "I believe Chairman He wanted us to notice a point we were unaware of. Now we have that information. The subsequent work will be left to the Military Commission."
Hearing this, those who favored Li felt a sense of familiarity, reminiscent of He Rui. The government had always had a clear division of labor; professional military work was naturally for the Commission. However, those who didn't like Li were dissatisfied, feeling he lacked He Rui's aura of total command.
Li said no more, as he had no desire to prove himself. He'd rather spend the time doing his job. He Rui possessed an extraordinary insight that was precious. But China was already the world's foremost power; that insight was no longer an indispensable crutch.
As long as everyone did their job, China's problems would be solved.
Li continued: "Once this meeting ends, I will convene the Military Commission. For now, let us discuss resolving the South Pacific colonial issues."
The committee member who had posed the question spoke again, dissatisfied: "Vice Chairman Li, do you not have a view of your own?"
Li smiled slightly and replied, "At this stage, the USSR has already bankrupted Germany's strategy for a quick resolution. The Allies have suffered a heavy blow. Currently, the United States will not give up so easily. Therefore, we must focus our attention on the war against America.
The Western powers once believed that the submission of the Qing meant they had conquered the world. Therefore, any nation that believes it has the duty to uphold white global conquest must accept the duty of war with China. Now, America believes it has a duty to fight on. If they give up, it would be an admission of our righteousness. This war is only at halftime; the second half will be even more intense.
How to respond to such a future—that is our current goal."
Hu Xiushan nodded slightly. He had no intention of succeeding He Rui himself, but that didn't mean he fully accepted Li Runshi as the next Chairman. Now, hearing Li's judgment, Hu truly believed he was qualified to compete for the position.