**Chapter 855: Aiding the Soviet Union (12)**

Even by the morning of October 10th, the Red Army commander defending Samara, Lieutenant General Rokossovsky, still believed that Rommel's actions on the opposite side were intended to lure the Soviet defenders out of their positions by threatening the Trans-Siberian Railway.

However, the Red Army General Staff had issued strict orders. Zhukov required Rokossovsky to pin down the Germans at all costs; Soviet units tasked with encircling and annihilating this German force had already been dispatched and would arrive by dawn on October 12th at the latest. As long as the Samara garrison could fix the Germans in place—even if it meant the enemy breached the city—Rokossovsky would be considered to have successfully completed his mission.

The General Staff's orders were crystal clear, leaving no room for doubt. Rokossovsky immediately mobilized his forces for a counter-attack. By 2:00 PM, good news arrived from the front: the Red Army had retaken several heights, and the Germans were beginning to fall back.

By 5:00 PM, the counter-attack continued to proceed smoothly, with several more heights captured. Since the outbreak of the war, the Red Army had never had such a successful engagement.

Studying the map, Rokossovsky suddenly suspected that this German force was preparing to retreat! His first reaction was that he might be mistaken. The Wehrmacht was extremely tenacious; no matter how the Soviets counter-attacked, the Germans usually found a way to resist and even launch new offensives from their defensive positions. Rokossovsky feared the enemy was merely contracting their lines to organize a powerful counter-strike.

But he soon moved beyond wishful thinking and considered the situation within a larger strategic context.

The General Staff had ordered him to fix the Germans in place. If they issued such an order, it must be because they were prepared to annihilate the 21st Panzer Corps.

The Germans opposite him had displayed startling combat proficiency and will, proving they were an elite unit. The commander of such a force was no ordinary man; he likely saw through the Red Army's plan. From a German perspective, a single corps striking deep alone had no chance of independently annihilating several Soviet corps-sized units. Their best choice would be to evacuate the unfavorable region immediately and return to their own lines.

With this logic, Rokossovsky realized his initial assessment was wrong. The German objective likely had been to destroy the railway from the start, not to capture Samara.

Though he still worried about a trap, Rokossovsky could no longer afford hesitation. He ordered immediately: "Command all units to attack with full force. If the Germans counter-attack, engage them in a head-on battle!"

Not long ago, the Samara garrison had fought a fierce meeting engagement with the 21st Panzer Corps. Hearing the General's order, the Chief of Staff did not immediately move to organize the troops. Seeing the hesitation among his staff, Rokossovsky felt even more certain of his judgment.

From the perspective of a retreat, the best method was to maneuver the enemy into a battlefield layout that made pursuers wary; the Red Army's current defensive-mindedness would only help the Germans withdraw smoothly. Rokossovsky ordered again: "If we do not pursue with everything we have, the enemy will likely slip away. Even if our entire army dies in battle or we lose Samara, as long as we annihilate them, our sacrifice will be worth it. Chief of Staff, do you intend to disobey the General Staff's orders?"

Hearing Rokossovsky's stern voice and seeing the political commissar staring intently at him, the Chief of Staff dared not say more and hurried to issue the commands.

But the Red Army was still too slow. Rommel had not only ordered a phased withdrawal of his frontline units but had been preparing for a full retreat for over a day. By now, the Germans had blown up four vital railway bridges and destroyed over 100 kilometers of track, with the total length of demolished roadbeds exceeding eight kilometers.

The goal of this offensive had been the destruction of the Trans-Siberian Railway, and Rommel had achieved it. It was now October 10th, and the Soviet Union was on the verge of winter. Any attempt to repair the damage would have to wait until at least next spring. Rommel had bought the Wehrmacht six months of time, fulfilling the orders of Field Marshal von Reichenau.

The 21st Panzer Corps began its retreat as if being driven off by the Soviets. The Luftwaffe units from the Southern Command provided a wave of heavy bombardment at dusk, finally allowing Rommel's forces to put ten kilometers of distance between themselves and the Red Army.

Based on their experience, the Soviets judged that continuous pursuit through the night could erase this distance. But after chasing all night following the tracks of German tanks and trucks, the Red Army reached the second river Rommel had breached by dawn, only to find a series of explosions racking the water. The Germans were thoroughly destroying every pontoon bridge they had built. Lacking the immediate capacity to bridge the river themselves, the Soviet engineers could only watch helplessly as the Germans continued their retreat.

When the news reached the General Staff, Zhukov finally lost his temper. He slammed his fist onto the map with such force that the markers and pens on the table leaped into the air before clattering back down.

Zhukov was incensed because he truly had prepared enough strength to thoroughly annihilate the 21st Panzer Corps. If the Germans had delayed their retreat by even one more day, the Red Army would have completely encircled that audacious elite unit.

After venting his frustration, Zhukov shouted a question to his Intelligence Chief: "What is the current position of this German force?"

The chief hurried to make contact. After Zhukov had processed three other matters, the intelligence arrived: "The German 21st Panzer Corps has already begun crossing the second tributary, retreating toward Stalingrad."

Zhukov's anger flared again, though less intensely than before. He realized the opportunity to annihilate them was gone. If the 21st Corps hadn't retreated toward Stalingrad but tried to return to the main German lines elsewhere, the Red Army might still have caught them. But the German generals were indeed capable; their actions were thorough, and they would not pause until they reached a secure area.

Studying the records once more, Zhukov memorized the name Rommel. He hoped that the next time they met, he would teach this cunning German general a severe lesson.

In Berlin, Hitler shared a similar sentiment. Even the fact that Rommel was a general he had personally promoted did nothing to dampen his rage. If anything, knowing Rommel was "his man" only increased it.

Upon learning that Rommel had pierced through to the vital hub of Samara, Hitler had hoped he would capture the city and choke the corridor leading to Moscow.

Of course, Hitler knew well that Rommel had only a single corps—not enough to hold Samara alone against swarms of Red Army reinforcements. Therefore, he had demanded that Reichenau prepare a new plan to conduct a decisive battle around Rommel's position with the arriving Soviet forces.

In Hitler's view, if the Soviets at Samara could be crushed, the Red Army would be forced to divert troops from around Moscow to defend the hub, allowing Army Group Center to seize the capital more easily.

When Hitler questioned Field Marshal von Reichenau, the commander of Army Group South calmly informed him that he had already ordered Rommel's withdrawal. Hitler was furious, demanding to know why Reichenau was so "fearful of the enemy as if of a tiger." Reichenau replied steadily, "Our forces were insufficient to conduct a larger-scale campaign in the Samara region. Furthermore, by destroying the railway, we have severed the link between Moscow and Baku. Oil from the Baku fields can no longer reach Moscow smoothly, which will significantly degrade the combat power of the Soviet forces there."

Hearing this, Hitler momentarily felt an impulse to replace Reichenau. But the Field Marshal commanded great respect within the army, and despite the retreat from Samara, his overall operations remained successful. Hitler had no justification for dismissal.

Still fuming, Hitler contacted the commander of Army Group Center, Field Marshal von Rundstedt, to complain about Reichenau. He had hoped Rundstedt would offer some criticism that could be used to prepare for Reichenau's future removal.

Unexpectedly, Rundstedt replied in his habitually arrogant tone: "My Führer, I am not aware of the specific details. Judging by the situation you describe, I believe Field Marshal von Reichenau's decision was correct. Our forces lacked the conditions for a decisive battle with the Soviets at Samara."

Meeting this "soft nail," Hitler's mood worsened, leading to intense displeasure with Rommel. But after sulking for a while, he set aside his anger. He knew the two Marshals' judgment was sound, and Rommel had indeed completed his mission with minimal loss.

Hitler turned his attention to the southern USSR, specifically the Baku oil fields. If Germany seized Baku, it would not only solve its own oil needs but leave the Red Army without fuel. He believed Reichenau at least wouldn't refuse an order to strike there.

On October 13th, Hitler contacted Reichenau again, proposing he divert forces to attack Baku. Reichenau replied calmly as before: "My Führer, the current target of the Wehrmacht should be Moscow, not Baku. While seizing the oil fields would indeed deprive the Soviets of fuel, they have China behind them. Northeast China is a major oil producer. China's West Pacific shipping lanes are now very secure, allowing them to ship vast amounts of oil from Southeast Asia and even the Middle East to Southern and Central China, and even to the industrial zones of Hebei like Tianjin. All of China's current industrial centers have ample oil supplies. Northeast production exceeds 20 million tons annually, more than enough to provide for the USSR.

At this stage, taking Moscow would deprive the Soviet Union of its railway hub, further reducing the efficiency of its military mobilization. My Führer, in the battle for Samara, the 21st Panzer Corps faced Red Army units several times its size. Personally, I believe our assessment of Soviet mobilization capability may be wrong. They possess a capacity far beyond our projections.

In other words, while many in the General Staff believe there are only 50 divisions in the Moscow area, the actual Red Army strength likely far exceeds that number."

Hitler said nothing until Reichenau finished, as he didn't yet know how to evaluate the Field Marshal's view. Finally, he skipped the topic and asked directly: "Marshal, do you believe the USSR still has enough strength to fight us?"

Reichenau replied firmly: "Soviet strength depends entirely on their mobilization and Chinese aid. Even with part of that aid blocked, their numbers will still be greater than we imagine."

Hitler said no more. After hanging up, he began seriously considering candidates to replace Reichenau.

On October 14th, hardly had Hitler woken up when his adjutant informed him that Göring requested a meeting. Hitler invited his old comrade into his small dining room rather than the official office. Hitler's breakfast was simple: a few slices of bread, two glasses of milk, and an apple.

Long used to Hitler's frugal diet, Göring merely requested a cup of coffee to sip. Once Hitler finished, Göring spoke: "My Führer, the Air Force reports that the Soviets have launched a counter-offensive in the south."

Hitler's gaze sharpened instantly. Göring continued: "According to the reports, the speed of this Soviet offensive far exceeds previous ones. Furthermore, they are not advancing along the railway lines but are using vehicle transport. If the 21st Panzer Corps hadn't withdrawn, they would be encircled by now."

Göring's purpose was not to flatter Reichenau or upset Hitler, but to relay the Air Force's findings. Previously, Soviet operations had been heavily dependent on rail, allowing the Wehrmacht to predict their operational range. Once beyond the limits of rail transport, a Red Army lacking trucks would see its combat power plummet.

Hitler demanded details, and Göring explained: the Red Army was moving rapidly along the east bank of the Volga, utilizing a massive and highly flexible logistical motor pool.

After the narration, Hitler waved a hand. "Göring, the Air Force can destroy the Soviet transport lines."

Normally, Göring would have boasted about the Luftwaffe's strength. This time, however, he did not echo Hitler's view, and the Führer noticed the anomaly. Facing his old friend, Hitler remained silent, waiting for an explanation.

Göring explained that the Soviet transport units were extremely flexible. By operating away from the railways, these truck convoys could quickly take cover once a German air strike was detected. Furthermore, they carried anti-aircraft guns, allowing them to strike back at dive-bombers and making German strikes far less effective.

Even more surprising to the Luftwaffe was that the Soviet Air Force seemed to have suddenly "seen the light," no longer entering the battlefield along rigid, poorly simulated routes. Instead, they were able to appear in the necessary airspace at the necessary time according to the needs of the moment.

This change had shocked the Luftwaffe. After the fighting on October 13th, they had begun analyzing the shift in Soviet air operations.

Currently, the Luftwaffe still held the sky. But the German jets did not possess performance that completely crushed the Chinese-made J-10. And German propeller fighters held no inherent technical advantage over the J-10. Previously, Germany had relied on flexible and effective command to deal heavy blows to the Soviets; with the Soviet Air Force's sudden improvement, the German advantage was narrowing rapidly.

Hitler respected Göring's expertise. "Göring, do you believe China has dispatched a large number of personnel to take over the Soviet Air Force?"

Göring reflected before answering, "My Führer, I don't believe the USSR would accept Chinese command. But from the current changes, I believe China has likely sent a massive amount of personnel to augment the Soviet units."

Though highly displeased, Hitler had no way to stop the cooperation. He could only order Göring to increase jet production as quickly as possible.

On this topic, Göring assured Hitler that since Britain had just delivered a large batch of ordered jet engines, three Luftwaffe wings would be fully equipped with jets by December 1942. With such a force, Germany would soon regain its air superiority.

Meanwhile, the atmosphere in the Soviet Air Force headquarters had changed significantly. During the four-plus months of suppression by the Luftwaffe, the staff had been anxious, with even the smallest trifles becoming outlets for frustration. Arguments were frequent; without the strict discipline of the headquarters, they might have come to blows.

Now, everyone in the headquarters was moving with purpose, busier than before, but the previous aura of hostility had vanished. Even in the route management department, where shouting matches had been most common, personnel were now speaking in low tones.

It wasn't that these people had suddenly changed, but that the Soviet Air Force's operational model had undergone a massive revolution. Before receiving the Chinese system, they had relied on experience for route analysis. Officers attended discussions with hand-written notes; by the time they finished this paperwork, they were exhausted and refused to yield an inch in debate.

With the aid received, computers and electronic printers had relieved them of the heavy burden of calculation and paperwork. Moreover, since the Air Force had lost so many in the early war, the current officers lacked both extensive combat experience and the corresponding authority. In the past, this had led to endless arguments where no one would defer to another.

Now, with sufficient data support, the lack of individual authority forced the officers to rely more on calculated data rather than personal guesswork to simulate the war's progress. In this situation, even Soviet officers who hadn't fully grasped the Chinese operational model had to work according to standard procedures, and the previous chaos in the headquarters was largely resolved.

Currently, the Commander of the Soviet Air Force was addressing a large group of newly joined mathematical talents, welcoming them into the service.