**Chapter 852: Aiding the Soviet Union (9)**

Strategic height lies in the ability to judge the future. As the saying goes, "To see a thousand miles, one must ascend another floor." Even a single level of elevation makes the world look vastly different.

The future Li Runshi saw was indeed beyond what other comrades could envision. Thus, he didn't even notice that he wasn't suppressing their views, but rather incorporating their concerns into a larger strategic framework.

"...The Soviet bottom line is that they must never be throttled by any great power. They have always viewed themselves as players, not pawns. Even if China gains significant control over the USSR through aid, their first reaction after the war will inevitably be to shake off all Chinese influence. Since this is a certainty, we have no need to take any action in that regard.

Currently, the USSR has stabilized its position through Chinese aid. They would only be forced to ask for Chinese troops to enter their borders and help a counter-offensive if they were to fail completely in the winter campaign. Therefore, our current goal is to help them enhance their combat power as quickly as possible while maintaining basic domestic life. Only thus will our aid gain internal acceptance within the Soviet Union.

Our purpose in doing so is to maintain Sino-Soviet security trust; we must avoid anything that triggers Soviet security anxieties."

Hardly had Li finished when a comrade spoke up in dissatisfaction: "Vice Chairman Li, in that case, aren't we just accommodating the Soviets? Why should we adopt such a low posture?"

This touched on the nationalist sentiment of the comrades. Back then, the He Rui government lacked strength and had to build geopolitical security around China. But today's China was no longer the underdog of the past; they felt continuing this way was truly stifling.

Li understood their mood. In these times of "Tiger-like ambition," who would want to be unhappy? He replied gravely: "Comrades, since we have chosen the path of Communism, the most important thing for us is productivity, not 'low-level tastes.'

Low-level tastes—because they are low, they can arise at any time. Because they are tastes, they are popular. Our China did indeed suffer eighty years of extreme humiliation. Toward those nations that caused us painful memories, we naturally desire revenge. But that emotion stems from the flesh, not from reason. It belongs to the category of low-level tastes.

We have all participated in the great work of China's rejuvenation. In this process, low-level tastes do not solve the problems China faces. Only by ridding ourselves of them and entering a more rational, pure stage of consciousness can we complete our cause.

I know many of your concerns, and I also believe that in diplomacy, we still lack experience in some of our practices. For example, in expressing our stance, there are still traces of old literati traditions—over-reliance on flowery language and an excessive focus on surface harmony. I believe the solution lies in raising the standard of our diplomats so they can more confidently and precisely defend China's interests, rather than gaining low-level pleasure through displaying imperialist arrogance.

As for now, the Soviets are humans too; they have the capacity for normal judgment. What we must do at this stage is defeat Nazi Germany and crush the Fascist bloc. In negotiations with the USSR, aside from that, we discuss nothing else. Of course, when the atmosphere needs to be lightened, a few pleasantries about Sino-Soviet friendship shouldn't make you all feel like we're being subservient, should it?"

Li thought this would be enough to appease them, but he was surprised to find their mood growing even more displeased.

He Rui knew why they were unhappy but remained silent. Sure enough, Hu Xiushan spoke calmly: "What does Vice Chairman Li think of the official Soviet proposal to celebrate the anniversary of the Treaty of Aigun?"

Li sighed internally; that incident indeed had a massive impact on Sino-Soviet relations. He didn't answer immediately but looked at the other comrades. No one else intended to speak, as the matter was enough to cause universal displeasure.

Seeing that the dissatisfaction had reached its limit for now, Li replied: "To forget the past is to betray history. But to be obsessed with the past is to stand still. We must admit one thing: we have currently lost the historical window of opportunity to retake our old lands. This is not the time for us to reclaim them. Does any comrade oppose this view?"

No one answered. Despite their emotions, the Military Commission members possessed a high level of basic strategic cognition; they wouldn't let petty immediate gains cloud their judgment.

Li continued: "Since you ask, I will share a piece of classified news with you, which I hope you will keep strictly confidential. Last year, the USSR arrested all those who advocated for this celebration, and the ringleaders were shot. Furthermore, in the recent purges, another large group of them was executed."

Hu Xiushan and the others showed surprise. While they felt a sense of relief, they also wondered about Stalin's true motive for the executions.

Li explained: "This wasn't a formal Soviet notification, but news passed to us through unofficial channels. After all, the USSR also has to deal with domestic nationalism. Such things are unavoidable, so we must shed the old literati ways in these matters. We struggle where struggle is needed, to let the USSR understand that maintaining good relations is not just China's responsibility. Do you all still have any feelings about this?"

Hearing that the Soviets had indeed "paid in heads," Hu Xiushan's displeasure vanished. He asked, "How does Vice Chairman Li judge the current Soviet-German war situation?"

"Judging by the current Soviet mobilization system, it is essentially certain that Germany has already failed. The USSR will inevitably defeat Germany; the only differences will be time and the scale of casualties. The Central Committee of the CPSU is capable of rational judgment; they hope Chinese aid will reduce their losses. Through the first phase of aid, we have gained access to their key technical factories and can judge their current technical level. Our aid is also limited to this field. Based on their request for an air force operational system, it's clear the USSR has not fallen into irrationality. Their requests are mindful of boundaries. If anything is wrong, it will soon manifest in the winter campaign. If the Soviets can make the German Barbarossa plan bankrupt in the winter, it means time is on their side. Through our aid, we can help their war strength be fully enhanced before next April."

Hu Xiushan simply nodded after Li's explanation, saying nothing. Given his usual taciturn nature, everyone knew this meant he fully agreed. Hu was considered one of the top three military minds in the Commission; since he had nothing more to say, no one else wanted to embarrass themselves.

Li continued: "Based on our predictions for the future, our military's next task is to support the WPLA in the complete liberation of the Arabian Peninsula and the entry into North Africa for combat. Simultaneously, our war with the US should enter a new phase. After thoroughly resolving the US forces in the South Pacific, it will be necessary to propose negotiations to America. Our military will decide whether to enter the North American theater based on their attitude."

Still no one spoke; all looked toward He Rui. He Rui knew what they were thinking and simply stood up to smoke a cigarette by the window. This told every comrade that He Rui was temporarily ceding strategic command; his decision to let Li Runshi take the reins was now only a matter of being formally stated.

He Rui had long wanted to hand over military operations to Li. At this stage, the overall situation was essentially determined. No matter how the US struggled, it couldn't change the broad trend. Even if they resisted to the bitter end, once the WPLA liberated Europe, America would be forced out of the war. The reason for maintaining high pressure on them now was that American culture dictated they would never quit while they were ahead.

He Rui truly had no interest in this "play-house" war, much as he had no interest in humoring the "cute" wartime Stalin. By handing command to Li, He Rui could focus his attention on the economy.

When the Central Committee of the CPSU requested aid for its air force operational system, they didn't hold especially high hopes, feeling they were asking for too much. Soviet industrial planning placed high importance on technology, especially electronics. Before the war, they produced tens of millions of vacuum tubes annually for various fields. Because they could produce them, they knew vacuum tubes were not a cheap commodity.

The Chinese-supplied computer used 30,000 tubes—all of them small-scale tubes the USSR lacked the capacity to produce. According to the Chinese parameters, these small tubes were low-power, high-stability, and long-lived.

Under the Soviet command economy, even a common tube cost about two US dollars; these small Chinese ones were likely even more expensive. Even at two dollars each, 30,000 tubes alone were worth $60,000. Adding the various peripherals and electrical components, even a price tag of $200,000 would not be an excessive profit.

Amidst this apprehension, China agreed to provide the aid the Soviet Air Force desired. Reading the quote, Molotov breathed a sigh of relief. China's plan provided 30 computers along with 1.2 tons of manuals. For all this, China only asked for 40 million CNY—approximately 10 million US dollars for the equipment and technology transfer.

Molotov knew the aid was to enable the USSR to defeat Germany and was based entirely on China's own interests. Even so, a sense of gratitude arose in him. The USSR wasn't just getting equipment; it was opening up an entirely new technical field. Compared to what they received, the Chinese price was quite low.

Subsequently, China dispatched 50 large transport sorties to deliver the equipment and data to the USSR within ten days. Chinese personnel made it clear that because the equipment was expensive and they had no spares, the computers being sent were dismantled directly from Chinese calculation centers. While battle-tested and of good quality, the tubes had already suffered some wear and tear.

Stalin only expected the Air Force to use the equipment quickly to enhance its combat capability. However, bad news arrived: on October 4th, after a bitter struggle, the Wehrmacht finally occupied Stalingrad. Thus, one of the most important cities in the southern USSR fell. Furthermore, the Germans had crossed the canal, their spearheads entering the region east of the Volga.

At this point, General Rommel, commanding his 21st Panzer Corps, began moving north, launching an attack on Samara, 387 kilometers away.

In the Battle of Stalingrad, both sides had committed hundreds of thousands of troops. Following their defeat, the Soviets lacked the immediate capacity to organize a new line. Rommel's offensive met no fierce resistance. Even when encountering Red Army units, he easily broke through their interceptions.

As in previous campaigns, Rommel insisted on being at the very front of his troops. Fields, villages, and forests were left behind by the panzer columns, while new ones appeared ahead, seemingly without end.

A saying was circulating within the Wehrmacht: invading the Soviet Union was like marching through a giant's maze. Moving across the vast Soviet landscape, Rommel felt the description was increasingly apt. His command had been in combat for nearly five months, having traveled over 2,000 kilometers. No matter how many enemies they broke or trenches they crushed, Rommel still couldn't see where the end of victory lay.

Fortunately, Rommel had been commander of the 7th Panzer Division during the Western European campaign and, like other famous panzer leaders, had experience in what was mockingly called the "Tour de France." Long-distance raids were no problem for him; in France, while other commanders at least rested at night, Rommel's division marched through the darkness without stopping.

He employed the same method now. The unit drove for a day and a night without pause, covering over 100 kilometers. As they were bridging a tributary, the first Soviet armored units finally appeared ahead.

Rommel was not a product of the General Staff. The primary reason he had been allowed to remain as a company commander during the post-WWI disarmament was that he held the Pour le Mérite (Blue Max), Germany's highest military honor. From the end of the war until Hitler took power, the General Staff was abolished, and the de facto staff consisted of aristocratic Junker officers. There was no room for Rommel.

When Hitler came to power and expanded the military, Rommel was finally promoted from the rank of captain, which he had held for over a decade, and became a military academy instructor. There, he wrote the famous book *Infantry Attacks*. According to German tradition, having rich frontline experience and serving as an academy instructor gave him some renown; the next step should have been a staff officer post at the General Staff.

However, things changed in August 1939. Hitler admired Rommel and used his power to facilitate an "unconventional" promotion to Major General, skipping the necessary exams and placing him directly as an intern at the Army General Staff. Lacking any prior staff experience, he was the subject of some criticism within the Wehrmacht.

During the French campaign, becoming a panzer division commander only increased the animosity toward him. Looking at the other commanders of the "darling" panzer divisions—Guderian, Kleist, Hoth, Hoepner—every one was a General Staff product with close ties to its core figures.

Even so, Rommel had encountered an acquaintance from the General Staff: Manstein, now Chief of Staff of Army Group South. Their close relationship was relatively recent, primarily dating from just before Operation Barbarossa. What initially brought them together was their discussion of German military equipment.

Rommel's fame in France came because he was the panzer commander who faced the most Allied tank counter-attacks. Several times he had encountered British Matilda heavy tanks and French B1s, nearly losing his life on the front.

In those life-and-death moments, he had relied on using 88mm anti-aircraft guns in a direct-fire role to destroy the heavy tanks. Consequently, Rommel believed the Wehrmacht must not rely too heavily on tank combat capability alone, but should consider air-land integration and the application of mobile 88mm anti-tank guns.

Manstein fully agreed. He had been pushed out of the General Staff to command the 38th Infantry Corps after his operational plan for the West had been adopted through Hitler, only entering the French campaign in its later stages.

Even so, Manstein had fully leveraged the power of anti-tank fire during the campaign to crush French armored counter-attacks.

While talking with Rommel, Manstein found him to be one of the very few army officers who believed even the 50mm anti-tank gun was useless. Rommel thought so because he had seen 37mm shells strike a Matilda at ten meters only to bounce off, after which the British tank simply crushed the gun.

The two found much common ground, and Rommel felt he benefited greatly. For this raid on Samara, Rommel requested that Reichenau provide him with more 88mm guns and had left all his 37mm guns behind at headquarters, taking only a few 50mm pieces.

Now, at the head of his column, Rommel watched through binoculars as Soviet tanks on the opposite bank moved into concealed positions to block the bridging operation. He felt no ripple of emotion.

Soon, the Soviet tank crews saw smoke being released from the German positions, under cover of which engineers began laying a pontoon bridge. This made the Soviet crews nervous. Half an hour later, the smoke cleared, and they saw the German engineers working frantically. Some of the Soviet crews, unable to restrain themselves, opened fire on them.