**Chapter 848: Aiding the Soviet Union (5)**

Within the General Staff of the Soviet Red Army hung a frequently updated map of the Western Soviet Union, densely covered with red and blue dots representing the two opposing armies. These points of different colors formed a battle line stretching for thousands of kilometers. This line existed only on the map; in the eyes of the soldiers on the actual battlefield, they saw the vast wilderness of the Western Soviet Union—plains dotted with unharvested fields, rivers devoid of boats, and forests hiding various dangers.

Even though the Red Army had not achieved a single noteworthy victory since the start of the war—suffering defeat after defeat—the generals led by Zhukov did not despair, much less give up. Instead, they exerted every ounce of their mental energy to find a way to win this war.

Alexander Alexandrovich Novikov, Commander of the Soviet Air Force, handed a report to Zhukov. "Chief of the General Staff, the latest batch of Chinese-aided fighters has arrived at the border. Our pilots can fly them back soon. The Air Force Command believes all these aircraft should be used to equip the units in the Moscow sector."

Zhukov was somewhat surprised; he had expected Novikov to distribute the fighters evenly, or at least provide some to other sections of the front.

Before Zhukov could question him, Novikov began to explain: "At this stage, only the J-10 in our hands can contest the German Me 420 jet fighters. The J-9 can be used as a frontline bomber and also possesses the capability to counter German propeller fighters. The German jets are concentrated in the Army Groups attacking Moscow, so we can only reinforce the units there."

Zhukov was not entirely satisfied with this explanation. He asked, "Do you believe the southern units can win with our current Soviet fighters?"

A flicker of pain crossed Novikov's expression, yet he replied firmly: "Chief of the General Staff, we cannot allow Moscow to be captured. Please give me another two months; the Air Force will do its best to find a deployment model within that time that more effectively utilizes the long-range advantage of the Chinese fighters."

Hearing the phrase "Chinese deployment model," Zhukov's brow furrowed even tighter. Beside him, General Konev broke the silence: "Chief of the General Staff, I believe it is necessary to ask the Central Committee to send personnel to China to communicate and obtain the Chinese Air Force's command system as much as possible."

Zhukov had always paid close attention to Chinese military development and had long believed that China possessed a very unique and advanced model for air force command. Konev's suggestion struck a chord with him, yet Zhukov hesitated.

The scale of the war in the Pacific was immense; a single battle between the US and China could involve maneuvers across thousands of kilometers. Even if the number of fighters involved was only in the thousands—different from the tens of thousands in land warfare—it still required China to possess extremely powerful air combat scheduling and command capabilities. In Zhukov's understanding, Chinese command capability was not just a matter of surpassing the Red Army; it was something at a higher level, something fundamental to the Chinese Air Force and even the entire National Defense Force.

As a soldier, although Zhukov didn't know exactly what China possessed, his instincts told him that China would likely not teach the Soviet Union the capabilities they had mastered.

General Konev actually shared a similar judgment with Zhukov, yet he was willing to take a gamble. His life had been saved by Zhukov from Stalin; since he had already lost all honor in his prior defeats, Konev saw no reason to put on airs. He suggested sincerely: "Chief of the General Staff, if we request aid from China, we still have a chance. If we do not, there is no way we will obtain what we need. Don't you think?"

These words helped Zhukov set aside his reservations. He immediately ordered the drafting of a report to the Kremlin and asked Novikov, "Do you think two months is enough?"

"We will do our best," Novikov gave a less-than-confident answer. Perhaps feeling it was inappropriate, he added: "I will prioritize the next batch of Chinese aid for other Army Groups. Therefore, Chief of the General Staff, we might propose a report to the General Secretary: if the remaining service life of the current Chinese frontline fighters is still considerable, we can also accept second-hand Chinese equipment."

Zhukov didn't mind this and had the content added to the report. Soon, Stalin saw the General Staff's report. After reading it, he felt highly uncomfortable—a mixture of humiliation and dissatisfaction with his own nation's military industry.

Chinese aid was not only massive in quantity but also very timely. As of now, Soviet pilots had already flown back 4,000 J-10s and 3,000 J-9s from the border between China's "Western Regions" (Xinjiang) and Soviet Central Asia. China had not only made no additional demands when providing the aid but had also expressed a willingness to support the USSR fully in defeating the Fascist states.

With such an attitude and level of aid, no matter how much Stalin feared China, he could find no words to say against them. If he insisted on expressing dissatisfaction now, it would undoubtedly be a declaration of intense hostility.

If the report had only mentioned requesting more fighters—even second-hand ones—Stalin felt he wouldn't be so distressed. After all, China couldn't have tens of thousands of brand-new fighters ready at a moment's notice.

Stalin realized that what he was most dissatisfied with was the Air Force's request for China to provide aid regarding its "command system." No matter how much it angered him, he understood that such a request was equivalent to the USSR learning how to fight from China. Setting aside whether China would agree—and they likely wouldn't—if they did, the USSR would have placed itself in a position inferior to China.

The USSR was currently behind America and Germany, but one could argue that America had been the world's leading industrial power since 1890 and was half a century ahead of the world. Germany had long been a European industrial titan, becoming the largest in 1909. The reason the USSR had been able to persist with the "Stalinist Line" was that its people believed it was correct, excellent, and demonstrated a communist superiority that other nations lacked. It allowed the USSR to rapidly close the gap with the world's strongest industrial powers.

Yet China, until He Rui's return in 1915, was an agrarian nation far behind Tsarist Russia. In a similar timeframe to the USSR, China had become the world's foremost power, to the point where the USSR had to learn the most cutting-edge warfare models from it. Once the USSR positioned itself as weaker than China, it meant admitting the He Rui government's economic line was superior to the Stalinist Line. This would undoubtedly shake the legitimacy of the Stalinist model.

In the Soviet Union—or rather, in Russian culture—once legitimacy is shaken, it faces all sorts of challenges. And the leader is highly likely to be driven from power. Stalin could never accept such a future.

After reflecting for a long time, Stalin finally decided to trust He Rui—or rather, to trust Chinese culture. Chinese culture had moral requirements that Europeans found incomprehensible: according to Chinese culture, when aiding others, one must consider entirely from their perspective and not use the aid to cause trouble. Otherwise, the provider would be viewed as having a moral problem.

Though the moral requirements of Chinese culture seemed mysterious to Europeans, the He Rui government seemed to be following them. Therefore, even if the USSR's request for core knowledge was refused, Chinese morality would require the He Rui government not to use the incident to destabilize the USSR.

Even if he believed such morality was unreliable, Stalin was unwilling to cross his own bottom line. Many criticized Stalin, saying too many had died under his rule. He never defended himself, for his policies were never intended to kill Soviet citizens; everything he did was to make the USSR powerful as quickly as possible. To refuse Chinese aid now was, in Stalin's eyes, to sit idly by while his people died. He could not make that decision.

The high-level leadership of the He Rui government was in no way inferior to the CPSU's. When Minister Li Shiguang finished reading the latest Soviet aid request, he momentarily felt an urge not to submit the document. Li never considered himself an expert in military affairs, yet even he saw that the Soviets wanted China to provide its Air Force operational system.

An operational system is the core of war, crafted by a military genius along with a mass of military and technical talent. Teaching it to the USSR meant they would immediately possess the potential to oppose China.

Soon, Li Shiguang realized he could not withhold the file. Based on his recent observations of He Rui, he believed the Chairman might actually agree to the request. With a conflicted heart, he submitted the document.

The provision of a military system required a Standing Committee meeting. Soon, the Civilization Party's Politburo Standing Committee convened. Even Li Runshi had no intention of speaking first; everyone simply looked at He Rui, the creator of China's war system philosophy, waiting for his opinion.

He Rui read the Soviet request and felt a sense of profound emotion. He said casually, "I hadn't expected the Soviets to reach this level of understanding so quickly."

The Standing Committee members didn't respond. As the core of the party, each was a master of at least one management system; even if they didn't understand the operational system, they understood what it represented.

He Rui soon noticed everyone looking at him and said, "I believe we should adapt our response to their circumstances: provide the USSR with our early-model vacuum-tube computers and the mathematical models associated with that level of computing power."

The members felt a bit better at this level of aid, but only a bit. The hardest part of technical development lies in the breakthrough directions. China's management systems hadn't appeared out of thin air but had evolved step-by-step from the level of early vacuum-tube computers. Providing this level of aid was undoubtedly opening a door for the Soviets, allowing them to proceed down that path.

Understanding their thoughts, He Rui explained: "As the saying goes: 'In a group of three, there must be a teacher; choose what is good and follow it, and what is not and change it.' The Soviet economic model has major problems, but that doesn't mean they haven't exhausted their abilities to explore its limits.

From a civilizational perspective, the Soviet model is also a direction of human exploration. The deeper they explore, the more knowledge we can gain from them. This is undoubtedly of great help to us. The USSR's scale, education level, and organizational capability make it fully qualified to be our 'teacher' in certain respects.

Comrades, I know what you worry about. So this time I will analyze the matter from an extremely utilitarian angle—that is, making a prophecy like a mystic. The Soviet model is destined to fail, perhaps in thirty years, perhaps in fifty. In short, the USSR will not last. Yet there are some in China who are very fond of the Soviet model and believe it is correct.

By helping them now, we can make the USSR our long-term teacher and, after its collapse, draw countless lessons from its history. I believe this holds long-term value for China."

He Rui's judgment shook even Li Runshi, and the other members were stunned. They were conflicted for a moment, as He Rui's prophecies had never failed, yet for such a powerful nation to fall seemed against the norm of history.

Just as they were considering how to question him, He Rui proactively explained: "Soviet history shouldn't be viewed starting from its founding. Its birth was in a large sense a continuation of the Russian Revolution, which can be traced back to the French Revolution. Because current Soviet pursuits are essentially no different from those of the Russian elite during that era.

Comrades, Russian civilization has not undergone a fundamental change. That is the root of the USSR. All the Soviet reforms are merely different institutional means applied on the foundation of Russian civilization. Institutions are the surface; civilization is the core. Thus, while the Soviet Union is new, Russia is an old nation. From this perspective, Russia has had a hundred-plus years; once it reaches two hundred, it will be finished. This is nothing strange.

If you compare Russia to Spain or Portugal, you can understand my view of the USSR. Back when Spain and Portugal began colonizing and created the Pope's Meridian (Treaty of Tordesillas), how confident they were. And now? They've returned to their historical borders. If the first colonial powers were thus, what is so strange about the USSR ending in a few decades? It won't be the end of the Soviet Union, but rather Russia returning to its proper form."

The members had a question this time: "What is the Pope's Meridian?"

Li Shiguang was about to explain but looked toward Li Runshi. Li didn't try to show off and looked toward He Rui. Wanting Li Runshi to display his knowledge, He Rui asked, "Comrade Li Runshi, can you help explain?"

With He Rui's call, Li explained: the Pope's Meridian was the line of demarcation for dividing colonies between Spain and Portugal, arbitrated by Pope Alexander VI in May 1493. It stipulated a meridian 100 leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verde islands as the boundary, with all lands west of the line belonging to Spain and all lands east to Portugal.

According to the text, Spain and Portugal were in a posture of dividing the world.

The members listened to the explanation and, thinking of present-day Spain and Portugal, their expressions turned complex.

He Rui then continued: "Without a civilizational breakthrough, all means are useless. Qin Shihuang was great not because of how long the Qin Dynasty lasted, but because of how long the policies he formulated and the system he planned for the nation endured. Under that system, Chinese civilization achieved continuous development and reached today's heights.

The USSR is likely the peak moment of Russian civilization, but if the essence of that civilization remains unchanged, the peak will eventually pass. In terms of such changes, our China's experience is incredibly rich. We've had the heroic era of 'Those who offend the mighty Han, however far, shall be punished,' and the decline of 'Better to give to allies than to one's own servants.' The ups and downs of a nation are normal in history. There is no need to be surprised by such changes."

Once the discussion was elevated to this height, the level of aid became acceptable. Only then did Li Runshi ask, "Chairman, can this help ensure the USSR defeats Nazi Germany?"

"More than enough," He Rui judged decisively.

Given that the members all believed their military expertise was inferior to He Rui's, the motion passed quickly.

The subsequent discussion had nothing to do with the USSR. Over the past two months, American losses had been exceptionally large. Chinese submarine forces, in coordination with carrier groups, had struck frequently in the East Pacific, sinking nearly 2 million tons of merchant and naval vessels, dealing a near-crippling blow to US convoys heading for the South Pacific.

Without ships, the US forces trapped in the South Pacific cannot return to the Americas; their annihilation by China is only a matter of time. Despite this, the Roosevelt administration has shown no sign of seeking peace, continuing to prepare for the next stage of the war. This choice led the He Rui government and the party core to feel that America surely had a "trump card" yet to be revealed.

He Rui and Li Runshi listened quietly, both thinking of "nuclear weapons" but not speaking the words.

Most members of the core leadership hoped the US would soon sue for peace to end the war. Since America intended to fight on, from a military perspective, China was forced to prepare for the opening of a North American theater.

Hearing the comrades reach this point, He Rui finally spoke: "I believe we must prepare to land in North America. Not in the United States, however, but in the North American colony of Canada. Since we are to fight on, I have an idea. If we land in North America..."

At this, He Rui scratched the skin over his eyebrow. In the brief pause, the comrades watched him with excitement and tension, guessing what he might propose. Some thought he intended for Canadian independence, others that he wanted to split the US. Li Runshi, who was responsible for the propaganda war against America, felt He Rui truly intended to dismantle the country entirely.

After scratching, He Rui voiced his view to the expectant comrades: "Western Canada and the American region of Alaska were originally the territory of the Indians (Native Americans). I believe it is necessary to allow the Indians to establish a nation there."

The comrades were stunned by the boldness and radicalism of the idea. Even Li Runshi began to worry that if China truly did this, the war would not end soon but would instead explode with even greater intensity. This seemed to conflict with He Rui's original intent.

But on second thought, Li felt he might be overthinking. He Rui's idea didn't necessarily have to be realized; as for He Rui himself, if he could make peace with America immediately, he would naturally abandon the idea. The reason he held such a thought now was entirely the responsibility of the Americans who refused to negotiate.