**Chapter 842: World People's Liberation Army (10)**

By August 5th, the Wehrmacht had essentially annihilated the Soviet Red Army's Southwestern Front. The Soviet forces that had come to relieve Kiev became the next target of the German offensive.

Stalin adjusted his command style, handing all decision-making power to the Red Army General Staff. On August 6, 1942, Zhukov was promoted to Marshal, and the General Staff under his leadership assumed full responsibility for military command. Zhukov's first order upon his promotion was to stop the "bull-fighting" head-on tactics and shift to more pragmatic maneuvers.

Starting August 6th, Marshal Zhukov's decisions were finally passed at the highest-level meetings of the Red Army. From now on, the Red Army would utilize the vastness of Soviet territory to continuously exhaust the Wehrmacht without losing contact, maintaining the front through strategic withdrawals.

After the subsequent operational plans were approved, Zhukov personally delivered them to Stalin. As Stalin read the plan, the resentment in his expression grew deeper. The core of the plan was to stretch the German supply lines, delaying them at least until autumn, when muddy roads would slow their advance.

The true counter-offensive would unfold in winter. By then, the German logistics lines would be extremely long, while Soviet home-turf operations, transport, and casualty care would far surpass the enemy's. This would allow them to fully leverage the advantage of interior lines and superior numbers to defeat the Wehrmacht.

Most of the construction Stalin had undertaken over the years was concentrated in the western regions; he truly did not want the prime areas of Western Russia to become a combat zone. But Zhukov's plan was pragmatic, for the current situation was no longer about territorial loss but the survival of the Soviet Union itself.

"You... go out and cool down at the door, then come back and report again!" Stalin said fiercely to Zhukov.

Zhukov stood up without hesitation, gave a military salute, and strode out the door.

The other core members of the Politburo watched the nearly raging Stalin, none of them daring to make a sound.

Only after Zhukov's figure vanished did Stalin hammer his pipe several times against the desk, venting his helplessness. A step forward might lead to a vast horizon, but a step back only made him angrier the more he thought about it. Stalin knew the current war situation didn't allow for more bargaining. Out of necessity, he forced himself to imagine: what would He Rui do in this situation?

For the first minute, his mind was filled with He Rui's style of seizing the strategic initiative. If He Rui faced this, he would surely attack first, letting the flames of war burn on German soil.

After a few moments of fierce visualization, Stalin gradually became able to consider the problem with more composure. In the war against Japan, He Rui had possessed air superiority, the mobile advantage of truck transport, and the Yalu River line as his bottom line. The combat zone was also Northern Korea, which was better suited for those equipments and tactics. He Rui had defeated Japan from the Northeast not by sneak attacks, but by fully unleashing his own strength.

While the USSR was currently in retreat, it still possessed its own advantages. The greatest was its population, followed by a certain equipment advantage in its armored forces. There were many other advantages, large and small.

If they blindly continued head-to-head combat, the USSR could not leverage its strengths. Zhukov's plan, however, could indeed bring those strengths into play by trading space for time.

Just as he thought this, Kirov spoke up: "General Secretary, the General Staff's plan can indeed buy us time."

With Kirov leading the way, the other Politburo members waited for Stalin's reaction before offering their own views. Kirov continued: "China's promises cannot be the only thing we rely on. Even if China helps us seize air superiority, it doesn't mean our Army can defeat the Wehrmacht. To truly defeat them, we must deal a heavy blow to the German Army. So far, our defeats have largely been because we cannot defeat them with equal numbers; to truly crush them, we need Red Army units that vastly outnumber the Germans. The time the General Staff buys will allow us to organize forces on that scale."

Stalin's gaze fell on Mikoyan. Mikoyan was currently the Vice Chairman of the Council of Ministers, responsible for military supplies and foreign trade. Stalin asked, "Comrade Mikoyan, what is the status of material preparations for arming 12 million new troops?"

Mikoyan replied immediately, "To date, we have completed the conscription of 6.7 million personnel, and new training is underway. The plan for the remaining 5.3 million has been finalized and is being executed. Regarding the production gap caused by the enlistment of 12 million men, we have already sent orders to China. Our negotiations with the Chinese side on this matter have concluded; China has agreed that these supplies can be paid for 'on account,' with the credit period extended to three years."

Hearing that China allowed a three-year credit line, Stalin and the core members felt much more at ease. This meant that for the next three years, all supplies purchased from China would not need to be settled. This was undoubtedly a gesture of great goodwill, or at least highly beneficial to the USSR.

Although China was also at war, it was on the offensive and the conflict was far from Chinese soil; domestic production had suffered no loss and was running smoothly. A three-year credit line effectively meant Chinese production capacity was now the Soviet Union's logistical support.

Stalin asked further, "Comrade Mikoyan, what is the current efficiency of Chinese deliveries?"

The others watched Mikoyan intently. A verbal promise to provide supplies for three years wasn't the same as actually receiving them. Only the goods arriving in the USSR counted as true support.

Mikoyan replied cautiously, "To date, railway transport on the Sino-Soviet border has reached saturation. Every car on the Trans-Siberian Railway is running at full capacity. We have ordered 1,000 new locomotives from China that meet Soviet requirements, along with 20,000 railcars; 35% have already been delivered. This new equipment is already operational."

Having said this, Mikoyan asked carefully, "General Secretary, can we build a second track for the Trans-Siberian Railway?"

Although the He Rui government had consistently maintained good relations with the USSR, gradually resolving security and trade concerns, Soviet anxieties remained. Mikoyan raised the issue of doubling the tracks precisely because the USSR, out of caution, had always refrained from increasing the railway's capacity.

The reason was simple: doubling the track would double the transport capacity. A massive increase in the Trans-Siberian's capacity meant that if China ever attacked the USSR, they could use that railway for a rapid advance.

Increasing the capacity now meant the USSR had decided to fully trust that China would not seize the opportunity to attack. This was why Mikoyan was so careful in proposing the plan.

Regarding an issue affecting the very survival of the USSR, the core members present did not dare to offer their views easily. All looked to Stalin, waiting for the General Secretary to make a judgment.

Stalin felt an intense internal struggle facing this question. From every angle, the probability of a Chinese attack was minimal. Yet Stalin knew well what Tsarist Russia had done to China. It was not impossible for present-day China to copy those methods.

Nationalists within the USSR had always been more wary of China than of Germany. Just last year, for some unknown reason, Russian nationalists had organized to celebrate the 83rd anniversary of the Treaty of Aigun. Beria had moved immediately to arrest them all.

When Stalin heard of it, he was incandescent, ordering everyone involved to be seized—the ringleaders shot, the others sent to Siberian labor camps for reform. Simultaneously, Stalin had vetoed a proposal to forcibly relocate the Crimean Tatars to Central Asia and severely criticized the Central Committee member who proposed it. That member had been arrested in the recent purge and was likely to be sentenced to death.

Stalin was currently doing his utmost to avoid disputes with China over historical issues—not out of love for China, but because he truly feared China using the war to retake lost territories. With this complex in his heart, he really didn't want China's influence in the USSR to expand.

After reflecting for a while, Stalin asked the Commissar for the Tank Industry, Malyshev, "Comrade Malyshev, is there sufficient manpower available at this stage to build the second track?"

Although Malyshev was the Commissar for the Tank Industry, he was effectively the head of Soviet military industry. Building the second track would require a massive labor force, which was in direct conflict with conscription.

Malyshev reflected for a moment before answering, "If this track must be completed, the impact on conscription will not be too great."

With that answer, Stalin turned to Kirov. "Comrade Kirov will be responsible for the construction of the second track of the Trans-Siberian Railway."

The core members felt relieved at this order. Current military work was left to the General Staff under Marshal Zhukov; the Central Committee's task was to satisfy the Red Army's needs for personnel and supplies to thoroughly defeat the Germans. Chinese productivity could effectively fill the gap in Soviet material needs, and once the second track was finished, the Red Army's supplies would be even more abundant. The Russian winter was long; with enough supplies, the Red Army would launch one counter-offensive after another during those months.

Half an hour had passed in the discussion of supplies for Zhukov's plan. Stalin had his secretary call Zhukov back. When the Marshal re-entered the room, Stalin's expression had returned to its previous look of displeasure.

Zhukov stood still, seeing that Stalin still looked completely unaccepting of his plan. The leader asked coldly, "Comrade Zhukov, do you have any changes to make to your plan?"

During his half-hour standing outside, Zhukov had indeed been reflecting on his plan—not to negate it, but to think through the steps in more detail. Hearing the question, he replied immediately, "Comrade General Secretary, I still believe this plan *must* be executed!"

Stalin didn't say anything at first. He lit a pipe, took a few puffs, and asked, "You believe this is the only way to defeat the Wehrmacht?"

Zhukov straightened his back, standing like a polished sword. "Yes, I maintain that this is the *only* way to defeat them!"

This time, Stalin didn't continue testing Zhukov's resolve but said in a level tone, "Go and execute your plan then. The Central Committee has approved it."

Zhukov was stunned; he had been prepared to convince Stalin at any cost and had visualized all sorts of arguments. He hadn't expected the plan to be passed after just a short wait at the door. For a moment, he couldn't help but look at the Politburo members, unable to figure out who had convinced the leader.

After a moment, Zhukov stared at Stalin, stood at attention, and saluted. "General Secretary, permit me to take my leave."

Stalin put down his pipe, stood up, and offered encouragement: "Comrade Zhukov, the fate of the Soviet Union is now in your hands."

Everything was simplified during the war, and Zhukov soon left the Kremlin. The high-level leadership discussed some broad directions for a bit longer before heading off to their own duties. Vice Chairman Mikoyan returned to his office and had his subordinates send out the long-prepared orders to China.

The day after this meeting, August 6th, Li Runshi, who was immersed in a sea of reports, received a call from Premier Wu Youping, asking him to attend a meeting regarding the provision of supplies to the USSR.

Looking at the reports, Li thought of He Rui's decision to provide "essentially unconditional aid" to the Soviets. He felt a sense of profound emotion.

On the way to the State Council, Li remained immersed in the high spirits brought by the data. Before World War II broke out, the China led by the He Rui government was actually insolvent.

This situation had happened once before, in the brief period after the Northeast government defeated Japan but before it unified the country. Back then, the Northeast government had issued a massive amount of bonds and was living on credit. From a purely fiscal perspective, it was unsustainable.

In that fiscal crisis, the Northeast government rapidly unified the country, and with the issuance of astronomical amounts of currency, quickly completed the establishment of a legal tender nationwide. Not only were the debts thoroughly resolved, but because the resources of all China were utilized uniformly and efficiently, the entire economy entered a period of activity.

It was the same this time. The astronomical amounts of currency were rapidly absorbed by actual commodities, industrial products, and labor through trade and investment with newly independent nations. Money that was originally just paper or numbers in a ledger suddenly acquired value equal to gold and silver. Insolvent China had transformed in the blink of an eye into a powerful nation with solid strength and anything it needed.

Substantial aid to the USSR might instinctively feel like a loss, but China had already weakened the US and UK, and aiding the Soviets would greatly weaken the Fascist bloc. The core of the Allied camp was the UK/US and the Fascist group; with the entire camp weakened, China could realize its strategic advance of establishing a New World Economic Order. From this perspective, the seemingly losing aid fell into the category of "taking a loss is a gain."

By the time he entered the State Council's large meeting room, Li Runshi was certain of his view. Once the meeting began, the speeches of the members proved they too had recognized this. The discussion was about whether domestic productivity could fully satisfy Soviet needs on top of supporting China's own operations.

At this point, China truly had the resources, the manpower, and the industrial scale. The meeting quickly concluded that they could fully satisfy the needs list just received from Mikoyan. The only limit to Chinese support was the Soviet transport capacity.

Having finished that topic, Wu Youping continued, "Next, we will discuss economic arrangements for the Arabian Peninsula. Vice Chairman Li, what are your thoughts?"

Li felt this question was the true purpose of Wu Youping's invitation, as the aid plan for the Soviets wouldn't have undergone fundamental changes even if he hadn't attended.

Geopolitical issues were something Li was very interested in, so he rose and walked to the newly hung map. The map included the Arabian Peninsula and surrounding areas. Li picked up a pen and first drew three large circles over Turkey, Egypt, and Iran. Then, picking up a pointer, he indicated Iran. "Comrades, if Iran occupies the Middle East, that is the ancient Persian Empire."

Then, his pointer moved to Turkey. "If Turkey occupies Egypt, that is an Eastern Roman Empire."

These two analogies invigorated the State Council comrades, who were overwhelmingly men of science and engineering with a fondness for history. Everyone was well-educated; the key points of world history didn't need further explanation.

Li continued: "The Mediterranean is an economic circle, and trade relations in the Eastern Mediterranean are especially tight. The prosperity of the Eastern Roman and Ottoman Empires was built upon their control of Eastern Mediterranean trade. The Roman Empire split into East and West not because of a strong separatist consciousness, but because each had its own economic circle. The circles appeared first, followed by the empires based upon them.

Therefore, economic arrangements for the Arabian Peninsula must first consider the economic circles of each region. Regardless of what form you all wish the Peninsula to ultimately take, start with the economic circles."

The comrades in the State Council were clever; they heard what Li hadn't said—or rather, exactly what he *had* said.

What did "regardless of what form you all wish the Peninsula to ultimately take" mean? The nationalists present shared a very consistent view: the existence model of the Arabian Peninsula must be beneficial to China.

What Li proposed was a methodology: since the rise of any one of the three—Turkey, Egypt, or Iran—could lead to an excessively powerful force in the Middle East, China's task was to restrict their expansion while dividing the Arabian economic circles into a form that favored intervention by external powers.

Only two things remained to be discussed: first, whether there were any issues with Li's methodology. If everyone accepted it, the next step would be how to implement it in the future arrangements for the region.

*Clap, clap, clap...* several comrades were already clapping to express their support for Li.

Wu Youping watched as more and more comrades supported Li Runshi, feeling a sense of relief. Lately, he felt his health was deteriorating, fearing he might collapse at any moment. That Li could smoothly gain the recognition and support of his comrades meant that in this turbulent era, China had taken the lead in completing its echelon construction. Even if something unexpected happened, the nation could still stably execute its various policies and ideas.

At the thought that he no longer had to worry about the future, Wu suddenly felt his strength drained away. He wished he could resign right now. It wasn't that he was unwilling to serve, or that he feared death. He only worried that his death would affect the interests China gained in this great era of global change.

A wave of fatigue hit him, and Wu shook his head, trying to pull himself together. Suddenly, his heart began to race uncontrollably. He reached for a pill bottle to take his medication, but his hand began to shake. *Clatter*—the bottle fell to the floor and shattered into several pieces.