**Chapter 828: The Era of Global Ebullition (6)**

Stalin was stunned for only a few seconds after receiving news of the German offensive at 6:47 AM, before shouting the order: "Order! The Soviet Union is to enter a state of war!"

For a country as vast as the Soviet Union, even with fierce battles already raging at the front, placing the entire nation on a war footing would take considerable time. The specific duration depended on the operational efficiency of the Soviet combat readiness system.

After issuing the command, Stalin rose to change his clothes. The Soviet Union had conducted numerous state-of-war drills, and based on his experience, he wouldn't have time to rest for days. As he dressed, he felt no surprise—rather, a sense of relief, as if the other shoe had finally dropped. A war between the Soviet Union and Germany was inevitable; this was the consensus among the majority of the CPSU leadership. If there was anything Stalin regretted, it was perhaps only the missed opportunity for the Red Army to strike first.

Naturally, the first to enter the state of war was the Red Army, which was always prepared. At this moment, the Red Army on the western front was under a full-scale German assault and forced into battle. Units in other regions immediately issued mobilization orders; all leaves were canceled, and personnel rushed back to their posts.

Departments like the railways received notice of full military control. Permanent military representatives immediately took their positions, while those departments without them awaited their arrival.

At this stage, not many Central Committee members had reached the Kremlin. Everyone had their own duties; in a state of war, the Central Committee needed them at their posts to execute the mobilization orders across the country.

Only members of the Politburo Standing Committee arrived—more accurately, only Commissioner Kirov, considered the successor, could truly make it. Even Beria, head of the KGB (NKVD), went first to headquarters to activate the state of war.

In the first few hours after the war broke out, Stalin and Kirov spent their time reviewing telegrams from Soviet leaders. Most were informing the Kremlin that they had reached their posts and were directing their departments into a war footing.

Once the major departments had reported in, the communication center directly linking the Kremlin to various military units was preliminarily completed. Only then did the Chief of the General Staff arrive at the Kremlin. After hearing the briefing, Stalin did not offer his own views but told the Chief, "I am about to deliver a nationwide radio address. We will discuss the war in a moment."

At that moment, radio stations in Moscow suddenly interrupted their programs to broadcast the latest news: "Comrades and citizens of the nation. This morning, the evil Nazi German army launched an attack on our western border. Our army has begun a full-scale counterattack against the German invasion. Next, we will broadcast a speech by General Secretary Stalin."

The people of Moscow were stunned by these words. Although the Soviet Union had been under immense security pressure since its founding, it truly hadn't experienced a war affecting the entire nation for twenty years. Even if officials often made speeches filled with the scent of gunpowder, the Soviet people had indeed grown accustomed to peace over those two decades.

Many listeners dropped what they were holding in a daze. Sturdy objects hit the floor with a thud, while glassware and porcelain shattered. Ordinarily, such losses would have pained them, but now no one cared as they leaned closer to their radios, hoping to hear more clearly.

Soon, a familiar voice came through the speakers: Stalin was delivering his speech. In it, he informed the listeners that after launching a sneak attack on the Soviet Union, the Germans had shamelessly claimed they were attacked first. This war was provoked by Germany, and the Soviet Union would respond in full. Therefore, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics formally declared war on Nazi Germany!

Stalin's radio address was not long. After it ended, Moscow residents remained in place, stunned; although they were certain war had broken out, they could not comprehend the fact of the war itself.

Stalin's speech was rapidly rebroadcast in cities across the Soviet Union, and this shock spread throughout the country. By evening, various commissioners in Moscow, having finally finished issuing mobilization orders for their departments, contacted the Kremlin. Once approved, they rushed to the Kremlin for a meeting.

Stalin was not responsible for this organizational work; he was reading the latest war reports, his brow furrowed. While the Red Army's ground forces were locked in fierce combat, the Air Force had provided some battle reports. Lacking time for precise statistics, the reports Stalin received estimated Soviet fighter losses—both destroyed on the ground and shot down in air combat—between 200 and 1,000. German kills were "estimated between 500 and 1,000."

Stalin had fought for many years; even if he wanted to believe the Red Army's reports, he didn't dare, and couldn't. Arbitrary reporting of successes had happened many times during the Civil War; Stalin was very experienced in this and knew better than to trust battle reports during such periods of uncertainty.

In Beijing, He Rui had also confirmed the outbreak of the Soviet-German war. He felt a bit of regret at the result. If possible, he actually didn't want to see it happen. Not because peace was particularly beneficial to China, but because he truly hoped to see world history undergo a massive change due to China's transformation. If such a "one in a million" thing happened, it would prove that the changes in the world could often exceed the scope of rational judgment.

The outbreak of the Soviet-German war proved that geopolitics and political economy were indeed scientific modes of research. The reason for the US-China war was more due to the laws of economics within political economy: both needed to establish a global economic order they dominated. Two tigers cannot inhabit the same mountain; after the collapse of the Versailles system, both had to fight for their own interests.

As for the Soviet-German war, it was driven more by geopolitical factors. Neither the USSR nor Germany had the capacity to establish a world economic order they dominated, so the focus of their conflict lay in security threats. Although the ultimate goal of the war was still economic, both countries currently wanted to resolve their security concerns first.

"How boring!" He Rui sighed, his relaxed attitude surprising the secretary beside him. The secretary had seen how seriously He Rui once discussed the possibility of a Soviet-German war; now his attitude couldn't even be called relaxed, only excessively nonchalant.

After a moment, He Rui said casually, "Call Minister Li. The Foreign Ministry must immediately contact the countries that have joined the alliance and ask if they agree with the idea of inviting the Soviet Union to join our side. After the call, send a telegram to the Soviet government conveying China's shock and stating that China firmly supports the Soviet Union's war against aggression."

Before the Foreign Ministry's calls were even finished, the Kremlin had already received the Chinese government's telegram. Stalin was in a meeting when his secretary entered and whispered in his ear, "General Secretary, the Chinese government has sent a telegram."

Stalin was not surprised and signaled the discussing Central Committee members to be quiet. They didn't know what was happening until the secretary finished reading the telegram, at which point their heavy moods improved slightly.

Most of the members present believed China would support the Soviet Union, yet hearing the Chinese government's statement with their own ears still brought the Politburo much peace of mind. Especially the head of the Trade Ministry breathed a sigh of relief; Chinese goods had consistently satisfied Soviet domestic demand to a large extent. During wartime, the Soviet demand for materials would increase, and the role of Chinese industrial products in supporting the USSR would be even more pronounced.

The meeting continued late into the night as news poured in. Most were updates on various departments entering a war footing. So far, this vast country was mobilizing according to its many drills; at least the necessary notices had been sent out. Experience suggested that the truly troublesome reports would start flooding in tomorrow, and that's when the commissioners would be screaming into phones or at their subordinates.

It wasn't just the CPSU that wasn't sleeping; Nazi Germany wasn't either. The Soviet construction over the years was obvious to all, its industrial strength having advanced by leaps and bounds—a fact the Nazi leadership was well aware of before the invasion. Although German command capability exceeded that of the Red Army, they didn't expect an easy victory.

At the moment, the busiest man was not Hitler, but Foreign Minister Ribbentrop. The Fascist bloc within the Allied Powers was quite unified now, with one country after another declaring war on the Soviet Union. The group led by Britain, France, and the US, however, was not so quick to react. Especially the US; Secretary of State Hull, when summoning the German Ambassador, even asked in a very blunt tone, "How can Germany prove that the Soviet Union attacked first?"

Having taken the initiative to attack, Germany naturally claimed they were struck first and were only counter-attacking. Such talk might fool a child, but it was useless against the leadership of a great power like the United States. The US elite knew a war between the two was coming, and with the American delegation having just visited the USSR, while they couldn't be 100% certain the Soviets weren't prepared for war, they had concluded that the USSR wouldn't strike first in the short term.

Now that the US and Germany were both members of the Allied Powers, the US technically had an obligation to join the declaration of war against the Soviet Union. However, out of its own interests, the US truly did not want to declare war.

To get the US to declare war, the German Ambassador tried every way to persuade Secretary of State Hull, but without any noteworthy progress.

The German diplomats were not only failing to gain support in Washington, but in London as well. The British Foreign Office had been doing its best to push Germany toward war with the Soviets, yet as soon as it began, London changed its tune, stating that Britain needed a deeper understanding of the causes of the conflict.

This attitude did not surprise the German Foreign Ministry; they even suspected the British were holding a victory banquet—or at least would hold one after meeting with the German diplomats.

It must be said that the German diplomats were wrong. The British government had cut spending due to the war, leaving the Foreign Office without a budget for banquets. The Foreign Secretary had to rely on the civil service catering service. With chefs, kitchens, and ingredients already available, the Foreign Office ordered a large dinner for every diplomat involved in pushing for the Soviet-German war, citing overtime. The Foreign Secretary then brought out the hospitality sherry and Scotch whisky he had managed to secure through the government budget earlier.

Inside the office, the Foreign Office held a "working dinner." With "large dinners" specially ordered, the amount of food was no problem. As the drinks were poured, the Foreign Secretary expressed his gratitude to his subordinates. In a warm atmosphere, the British diplomats talked over what had happened while they ate.

After the loss of India, the British economy had taken a heavy blow. If they weren't in a war, many British companies would have gone bankrupt simply from losing the Indian market. With China's strength, Britain knew it couldn't retake India alone. Therefore, Britain had decided to drag all the world's major powers into the conflict.

The USSR and Germany were both European giants; if neither participated, they would certainly overshadow Britain after the war. Britain exploited their conflict to the full, striving to provoke them into war. Now that it had begun, the British diplomats were happily discussing their expectations for the future.

Since all the major global powers were now involved, what Britain most looked forward to was the mutual destruction of China and the US, and of the Soviet Union and Germany. Only if the other giants were thoroughly crippled in the war could Britain reap the benefits. Talking about their hopes for the future, the diplomats were incredibly expectant.

After bragging for a while, the Foreign Secretary turned to the main topic, inquiring about the relative strength of the two nations. Diplomats responsible for the USSR and Germany spoke up: "Soviet production exceeds Germany's; Germany can never catch up."

"German combat power exceeds the Soviets'; the USSR will have to make more sacrifices to bridge the gap."

"Overall, the USSR has a better chance of winning."

"No! I think Germany's chances are better!"

"Don't forget, the Soviet Union can ask China for support at any time, while Germany can only rely on itself. China's industrial strength is greater than the USSR's. The American Desk said the US is always thinking with a defensive mindset."

Hearing someone mention them, a diplomat from the American Desk piped in: "The American mindset is different from other countries'; their basic idea is to hold North America. At this stage, the US has lost the intention to continue external expansion. It's strange, but that's truly how they think."

As soon as he finished, another diplomat interrupted: "What the US wants is North America; I believe they have their own views on Canada."

At this, the atmosphere at the Foreign Office dinner became somewhat awkward. Canada was a very important part of the Commonwealth, and it was a thorn in America's side. The US dearly wanted to annex Canada, or at least have it independent from Britain as a US satellite.

This conflict had always been the biggest issue between Britain and the US, and Britain was naturally unwilling to let go of Canada. But Britain no longer had the strength to protect it.

In this atmosphere, a diplomat who clearly didn't care much for his colleagues' opinions said, "If the US core is to hold North America, once they believe the war's losses are too high, they might choose to make peace with China. At that time, one of the conditions the US proposes to China might be to acquire Canada."

The laughter from moments ago instantly vanished; this was an extremely likely reality. Even if the US didn't do it, China would surely have military plans to attack Canada. Once Chinese troops landed on Canada's west coast, the US military would inevitably enter Canada to fight them. Once the US was in, Britain wouldn't be able to kick them out. Faced with a wolf in front and a tiger behind, what choice would Britain have?

For a moment, the joy brought by the outbreak of the Soviet-German war was swept away by more realistic interests.

On the Eastern Front, the Red Army was engaged in fierce combat with the Wehrmacht. Since the Western European campaign, senior Red Army commanders had been seriously studying the course of the war, trying to hypothesize the characteristics of German warfare and conducting targeted training.

But once actually facing the Wehrmacht, the Red Army found their assumptions falling through. The German tactics in their simulations were completely different from those in reality. The Red Army knew the Germans would use pincer movements, but they hadn't expected to meet German units attacking head-on. The Red Army immediately conducted a frontal counterattack; the Soviet main battle tank was the T-34, and the opposing German tanks were equipped with 50mm guns, which couldn't penetrate the T-34's frontal armor.

Just as the Red Army thought they could push back, their T-34s were suddenly destroyed. Shells directly penetrated the T-34's frontal armor, taking out several tanks. This left the Red Army completely baffled; they hadn't seen a German artillery barrage, proving the T-34s weren't destroyed by area fire but by targeted, aimed fire. Not seeing any German tanks, they naturally suspected hidden ones were responsible.

Most of the front ended the first day of combat in such engagements. Hitler was quite happy at the moment, because German breakthrough units had pierced the lines and begun flanking maneuvers. The scale of the encirclement was so large that the Soviets hadn't realized it. Early the next morning, Hitler called Governor Heydrich in Poland.

Before the start of Operation Barbarossa, the Governor of Poland, Heydrich, had utilized his astonishing energy to complete the railway operational capacity in the region. Once the campaign began, the German and Polish officials under his administration actually found themselves less busy than before.

The smooth railway system sent personnel and supplies to the front. To ensure the lines remained open, Heydrich had tripled the number of railway employees in advance and increased their bonuses. To the Poles, the Germans were of course a hated target, but the sight of Germans and Russians slaughtering each other was something they were happy to see. With ample manpower and bonuses in place, the Polish Railway Company personnel worked with great diligence.

Wartime logistics are always criticized, so no one praised Heydrich. He didn't care for such empty fame; having temporarily solved the transport problem, he turned his energy toward Polish industrial and agricultural production. In Heydrich's view, the Soviet-German war could not be settled quickly; the higher Poland's production, the greater the help in defeating the Soviet Union.

When Hitler called Heydrich to ask if the supply flow could be maintained, he learned that Heydrich had actually gone to the countryside for an inspection. This moved Hitler to remark to SS leader Himmler, "I truly wish I had thirty Heydrichs."

Himmler's personal feelings toward Heydrich were complex; Heydrich had once been his right-hand man, and Himmler had naturally promoted him. Now that Heydrich's status in the Nazi Party was comparable to his own, Himmler naturally felt a bit resentful. However, he knew that as one of the most outstanding of the party's younger generation, Heydrich's position was unshakable even by Himmler himself. So Himmler only reminded Hitler, "Heydrich likes using the locals too much."

This reminder made Hitler laugh out loud. Heydrich was the founder of the Gestapo and had subsequently been appointed governor of Bohemia and Moravia. In the Czech lands, he had shown startling administrative talent, quickly straightening out the local economy and social order and making Czech industrial capacity a part of the Nazi industrial system. To this end, he had even organized a parliament and government with full participation from the local Czechs. This was what Himmler meant by "heavy use of locals."

With his success in the Czech region, Heydrich had achieved the same in Poland since becoming Governor. While there was various resistance in present-day Poland, overall it had been integrated into the Nazi economic system. Unlike other dim-witted SS leaders who only knew how to use violence, Heydrich understood how to use terror. Poles who opposed Germany would often be taken away in the middle of the night by secret police who smashed through their doors, never to be heard from again. Months later, these Poles—broken and dazed from their time in concentration camps—would suddenly be dragged into cars at night, driven to a street near their homes, and simply dumped on the roadside and released.

Such methods instilled fear in those Poles who hadn't joined resistance organizations, making them much more compliant. The name of the Gestapo became renowned, exerting more pressure on the Poles than the SS units who committed murders in the streets.

Hitler didn't care about such trifles. If he did, a man like Heydrich, with his obvious "Jewish nose," wouldn't have become the man the Nazi elite considered the future leader of the party. Now Hitler only wanted to defeat the Soviet Union, and that required a greater contribution from Poland. Within the Nazi Party, Heydrich's administrative ability already commanded high praise, and Hitler had great expectations for him.

"Contact Heydrich as soon as possible," Hitler ordered.