In mid-April, as if by prior arrangement, two four-engine passenger planes arrived at Moscow airport on the same day. Molotov, the Soviet People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, was busy the entire day. In the morning, he welcomed Harry Hopkins, the special advisor to the American President, and in the afternoon, he received Li Shiguang, the Chinese Foreign Minister. During this time, Molotov made no mention of anything other than the Soviet Union to either the American or Chinese personnel.

It was only in the evening, after returning to his residence, that Molotov wondered if China and the United States were attempting to use Moscow as a venue for a private meeting. Ultimately, Molotov decided not to involve himself in the affairs of the two nations. After all, both had embassies in the Soviet Union; if they wished to have private contact, they would have made arrangements long ago.

As it turned out, it was merely a coincidence. Harry Hopkins, the American presidential envoy, had come to the Soviet Union at great political risk. The United States had a long history of anti-Soviet sentiment, and reaching a political cooperation agreement with the Soviet Union could become a scandal for the Roosevelt administration. While most members of the Roosevelt cabinet were well aware of the Soviet Union's importance, American public opinion did not share this view—especially the conservative forces who feared that the Communist Party posed a threat to the American capitalist system and refused to accept deep cooperation between the two countries.

Hopkins was well-prepared. As soon as he met Molotov the following day, he praised the "correct decision" of the Soviet Union to dissolve the Comintern. Molotov listened quietly, saying nothing at first, until Hopkins remarked that "the Soviet Union's dissolution of the Comintern has had a positive effect on stabilizing the political order of various nations." Molotov couldn't help but retort, "The Soviet Union believes that states which suppress the Communist Party are regimes that completely ignore the needs of the people."

Hopkins smiled slightly, unbothered. Having served as the head of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration during the Great Depression, he understood the suffering of the people. Hopkins only opposed the violent destruction caused by the Communist Party; he did not oppose the people's desire for a better life.

Seeing that Molotov had been provoked, Hopkins stopped mentioning the Soviet concessions and turned the conversation toward his purpose in Moscow. "Commissar Molotov, the current world has fallen into total chaos due to the war. As a major power with significant global influence, I wonder what views the Soviet Union holds regarding the present international situation?"

Molotov felt that the United States was finally considering utilizing the Soviet Union. Sensing an opportunity to name his price, he asked with an air of calm indifference, "Does the American government realize that Germany, though part of the same Allied camp, is currently formulating plans to invade the Soviet Union?"

Hopkins was not surprised by the topic; the American military intelligence analysis department had indeed raised the possibility of a German invasion. Furthermore, the diplomatic system led by Secretary of State Cordell Hull had received various probes from the German side. German Foreign Ministry personnel had privately informed the United States that Germany had intercepted "intelligence suggesting the Soviet Union might launch a proactive strike against Germany."

The American military and diplomatic systems believed that Germany had plans for a proactive invasion of the Soviet Union, and the Soviet Union likewise had plans for a proactive invasion of Germany. Despite the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, both Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union were merely using the treaty to buy time. Once either side was ready, the pact would be torn up at a moment's notice.

Despite this understanding, Hopkins pretended to be ignorant. "Does the Soviet Union have any preparations in response?"

Seeing that Hopkins wasn't biting, Molotov tightened his expression and replied, "The Soviet Union will strike back without hesitation against any external aggression."

Hopkins had long heard experts in the State Department describe the Russian personality. Unmoved by the threat, he simply nodded. "Since the Soviet Union is so prepared, the United States' only concern is whether the war will affect the feasibility of importing industrial technology between our two nations."

Sensing the blunt American personality, Molotov found these business-minded Americans truly detestable. However, since the meeting wasn't for the purpose of arguing over national characteristics with the presidential envoy, he asked, "As a member of the Allied camp, has the United States considered restraining Germany?"

Only then did Hopkins reply, "If the Soviet Union joins the Allied camp, the entire alliance will do its best to organize against internal wars between member states. As for the current situation, the United States indeed does not wish to see a conflict break out between Germany and the Soviet Union. If Germany were to consult the United States on the idea of invading the Soviet Union, we would certainly oppose it firmly. But it is impossible for Germany to notify the United States in advance. If the United States were to issue a warning to Germany, we would at least need to obtain concrete evidence of a German invasion first."

From the American attitude articulated by Hopkins, Molotov understood that the United States indeed had no way to deeply influence Germany, let alone control it. But this was not the result the Soviet Union wanted. The Politburo of the CPSU currently wished to continue profiting from the Soviet Union's neutral status. To date, the Red Army had only just begun its equipment rollout, and its overall combat capability had not reached the expected level.

Particularly after witnessing the Western European campaign, the Red Army had raised its standards for combat capability. This made the gap between the Red Army's current strength and the anticipated level appear even wider.

Since President Roosevelt had sent an envoy to the Soviet Union, he presumably did not want the Soviet Union to side with China and become an enemy of the Allies. Molotov spoke more directly: "Mr. Hopkins, if the Soviet Union is attacked by Germany, we must ensure we can win the war. Therefore, we will require external cooperation. I believe the United States understands the necessity of this very clearly."

Hopkins was well aware of the Soviet Union's security needs. Unmoved by Molotov's soft threat, he continued to explain: "The Soviet Union is a powerful nation. The United States has no desire to interfere in Soviet affairs, nor does it have the capacity to do so. The United States very much hopes to help the Soviet Union resolve its security concerns. What ideas does the Soviet Union wish to express to the Allies through the United States?"

Molotov felt that Hopkins' attitude lacked sincerity, as the Soviet Union expected the United States to do much more. Since the Americans were being this way, Molotov could only try to raise the price again. "Isn't the American attitude a bit too passive?"

***

Compared to the conversation with Molotov, Li Shiguang's talk with the members of the Soviet People's Military Committee was much more proactive. The Soviet Red Army sent a team centered around Marshal Tukhachevsky and General Zhukov. Li Shiguang knew that the current status of these two within the Red Army was delicate. Marshal Tukhachevsky, who had always advocated for an offensive-oriented Red Army, had been sidelined because the implementation progress fell far short of the CPSU Central Committee's expectations. General Zhukov's more pragmatic military strategy had also drawn criticism from Stalin, and he had been relegated to overseeing the construction of reserve forces.

Although on the surface both appeared to be excluded from the Red Army's decision-making core, they could be reactivated at any time. Precisely because they weren't part of the core decision-makers at this stage, they were more capable of discussing substantial matters.

However, at the very beginning, upon hearing Major General Guo Tang's suggestion that the Soviet Union and Germany reduce military threats through border demilitarization, Zhukov expressed his opposition. "If the Soviet Union does this toward Germany, it will only stimulate Germany's ambition to invade."

Li Shiguang had expected Marshal Tukhachevsky, the proponent of an offensive Red Army, to be the one to object directly. After Zhukov finished expressing his opposition, Li Shiguang looked at Tukhachevsky, only to find the Marshal's expression calm, showing no signs of displeasure or dissatisfaction.

According to intelligence gathered by the Chinese Foreign Ministry, Tukhachevsky's military style was extremely resolute. With such a personality, he likely wouldn't bother to hide his disagreement. In other words, it was possible that Tukhachevsky agreed with a defensive-counteroffensive strategic layout.

While Li Shiguang was considering this through a diplomatic lens, Major General Guo Tang asked, "If the Soviet Union's goal is to maintain peace, there is no reason to deploy heavy military groups on the front line. From China's accumulated war experience, the only purpose for maintaining large numbers of troops on the front line is for an offensive. For defense, large forces could be stationed between 300 and 500 kilometers from the border. If an invasion occurs, there would be ample space for a counterattack."

"In the Western European campaign, it seemed as if the German army's first battle was the decisive one because the nations of Western Europe are small and lack sufficient strategic space. Thus, once the British and French forces were defeated, France lost air superiority. The area of the western Soviet Union is nearly ten times that of Western Europe. If heavy military groups are placed on the great plains, wouldn't you be repeating the same mistake?"

Although Li Shiguang did not understand military matters, he could grasp battle-level war plans. If the goal of the war was to annihilate the enemy's effective strength, there was no need to fight for every inch of land. Therefore, Li Shiguang himself felt that the Soviet Union's current placement of heavy military groups near the border was indeed difficult to understand. At least from a diplomatic perspective, it was a blatant military threat.

The two Soviet generals did not agree with Major General Guo Tang's view. General Zhukov believed that not one inch of the Soviet Union's sacred territory should be invaded. Had Li Shiguang not read Zhukov's dossier, he might have thought him a simple and crude general. But Zhukov was a commander who had completed training for many large Soviet army groups; that experience alone proved he was by no means a "blunt" soldier. To say Zhukov didn't understand the value of retreat would be an insult to the Red Army.

Hearing this, Li Shiguang sensed that the two generals had reservations. This was quite different from what he had initially expected. Li Shiguang adjusted his thinking, putting himself in the position of the Soviet generals, and realized they didn't have it easy. General Secretary Stalin was an iron-fisted figure. Moreover, Stalin was neither the founder of the CPSU nor the Red Army. Therefore, Stalin's suppression of the Soviet upper echelon was surely far more severe than He Rui's.

Understanding this, Li Shiguang gave a signal to Major General Guo Tang. Seeing the hint, Guo Tang abandoned the exchange and instead gave a detailed, unilateral presentation of the Chinese General Staff's proposed solution to the Soviet-German security threat.

During the presentation, the two Soviet generals cooperated by remaining silent, simply listening quietly.