Reports from members of the Third International in various Southeast Asian countries and liberated areas were transmitted to Moscow via wireless telegraph. Through the efforts of Soviet radio operators, they were transformed into a flurry of documents delivered to the CPSU. As one of the first Politburo members to see them, Molotov, who was in charge of foreign affairs, felt increasing pressure.

These reports covered the politics, economics, education, and military affairs of various countries and regions in Southeast Asia. By the time Molotov had to report to General Secretary Stalin, the pressure weighing on him was immense.

General Secretary Stalin read the reports for a while, then habitually lit his pipe. Amidst the fragrant aroma of tobacco, Stalin slowly leafed through the documents. After finishing, Stalin stood up and continued smoking his pipe. Just as Molotov thought Stalin was about to sink into deep thought, Stalin asked, "Comrade Molotov, do you believe China is using these so-called NGOs—non-governmental organizations—to establish comprehensive control over these countries?"

Molotov answered with some uncertainty, "Analyzing the current situation, I believe this is indeed China's method. Controlling the internal affairs of other countries while avoiding accusations of interfering in their internal affairs."

Stalin frowned. His dissatisfaction was not with China controlling other countries' internal affairs, but with Molotov's lack of confidence. If the Soviet Union were to liberate Eastern European countries, Stalin would certainly want to control them, so he was not at all puzzled or surprised that China wanted to control Southeast Asia.

After a moment of thought, Stalin asked, "Comrade Molotov, do you believe the He Rui administration trusts that they can control a country relying solely on non-governmental organizations? Especially given that your report emphasizes China does not control the ruling parties and armies of those countries!"

Molotov was actually quite puzzled by this as well. It diverged significantly from his knowledge system, and he could offer no explanation. However, Molotov was convinced that the He Rui administration definitely intended to comprehensively control these countries, and these NGO organizations held immense influence across the various nations and regions of Southeast Asia.

However, there were some paradoxes here. According to intelligence provided by comrades of the Third International, more than half of the members in these NGOs were left-wing revolutionaries from various countries. These left-wing revolutionaries were strongly opposed to the organizational model where the Third International directly led the Communist Parties of various countries. Revolutionaries mostly possessed strong personal beliefs, and their intense likes and dislikes were almost impossible to change. It was unlikely that these people opposed Soviet control of other countries while in Europe, only to support Chinese control of other countries after arriving in Asia.

The reports sent back all mentioned that the left-wing revolutionaries within the World People's Liberation Army believed China was not controlling the internal affairs of other countries. Currently, China was providing loans to help Southeast Asian countries and regions with infrastructure construction, assisting them in building capable governments, and maintaining close trade relations. These were all forms of help urgently needed by Southeast Asia at this stage.

As NGO members participating in this cooperation, the left-wing revolutionaries of the World People's Liberation Army were extremely vigilant against traps within the cooperation. They were also very wary of China using the content of this cooperation to coerce Southeast Asia in the future. Members of the Third International emphasized in many reports that the left-wing revolutionaries in the World People's Liberation Army had frequently negotiated with the Chinese government regarding cooperation details they found suspicious, demanding clear explanations from the Chinese government. Actions like this, fully protecting the interests of Southeast Asian nations and regions, shocked the various countries and regions of Southeast Asia. Unknowingly, they had won the goodwill of nationalists within these countries.

At least until now, these left-wing revolutionaries had not seen any signs of China controlling Southeast Asia. Therefore, this group was very supportive of China's actions in the region.

Just as Molotov was unsure how to present his own view, Stalin asked while changing his tobacco, "Comrade Molotov, do you think China will demand the dissolution of the Third International?"

Molotov's body stiffened instantly. This was one of the top possibilities he had concluded after much thought. It was no exaggeration to say that the Third International was essentially a tool for the Soviet Union to control other countries. According to the Third International's charter, the Communist Parties of various countries were branches of the Third International, and a hierarchical relationship existed between them.

Currently, the demands He Rui made to Stalin were not many: simply that Communist Parties in various countries be legalized, and that Communist Party members possess full civil rights—specifically, the right to vote and to be elected. Given the relationship between the Third International and national Communist Parties, if Communist Party members became public officials, it would equate to the Third International leading the political judgment of those public officials. If a Communist Party accepting the Third International's leadership became the ruling party, that ruling party would have to execute the Third International's leadership politically.

Specific problems require specific analysis. Currently, there were no cases in the world where a Communist Party accepting the Third International's leadership held power, so such theoretical matters were merely hypothetical. Moreover, if such a situation truly arose, the Third International would also consider the nationalist sentiments within those countries and make adjustments accordingly.

However, when European and American countries cracked down on their domestic communist movements, they used this hypothesis as justification. A single phrase—"Communist Party rule equals Soviet rule"—was enough to create immense distrust of that country's Communist Party in the hearts of nationalists.

Molotov himself had seriously considered the possibility of dissolving the Third International. After consideration, he had given up on pushing for it. Because this proposal would require the Soviet Union to cripple its own capabilities, and Molotov, as the proposer, would have to bear enormous political risk.

Now that Comrade Stalin asked this, Molotov instinctively wanted to dodge. But Stalin did not give him the chance. Seeing Molotov had no intention of answering, Stalin continued to ask in a tone pregnant with meaning, "Comrade Molotov, I wish to hear your honest thoughts."

Asked this way, Molotov knew he could not escape. Moreover, at this point, whatever view Molotov expressed would be taken by Stalin as his attitude. Since that was the case, Molotov decided not to dodge and answered briskly, "Comrade General Secretary, I believe that at this stage, we can indeed halt the activities of the Third International. Even if the Communist Parties of various countries are no longer branches of the Third International, the Soviet Union's leadership position will not suffer a devastating blow..."

Stalin listened quietly to Molotov's explanation, not saying a word throughout. When Molotov finished, Stalin ordered, "Comrade Molotov, draft a report on this aspect immediately after you return. I will convene a Politburo meeting, and I hope you will speak at the meeting."

Molotov had always been worried that Stalin would firmly refuse to dissolve the Third International. Finding that Stalin was actually prepared to seriously consider the matter, he couldn't help but breathe a sigh of relief. As the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Molotov was very clear that the Third International's impact on Soviet diplomacy was very negative.

The world situation when the Third International was founded, especially the situation in Europe, had indeed given the Third International a lot of space. But with changes in the world situation—China in Asia building the Asian Economic Community, the communist movement in Europe suffering heavy blows, and Roosevelt adopting the New Deal after becoming President of the United States—nationalist sentiments in the countries surrounding the Soviet Union were running high.

Communist ideology had an advantage when facing capitalist ideology, but it struggled when facing nationalism. One of the characteristics of nationalism was "country first." No matter how left-wing a nationalist's stance might be, they could not allow a foreign leader to stand above their own country. This led to situations where Communists opposed Communists, creating significant resistance to the development of Communist Parties in various countries.

Take China, which claimed to practice communist economics, as an example. No matter how much He Rui claimed to be a Communist, he would not face opposition from the Chinese public. Because He Rui's communism was a self-proclamation and had absolutely nothing to do with the Third International. Furthermore, China had legislated to define the Third International as a foreign organization, and any of its actions in China would be subject to strict surveillance. If China was like this, other countries went without saying.

If the Third International were dissolved, it might actually serve to promote the world communist movement. Since General Secretary Stalin was prepared to discuss this matter, Molotov immediately rose to take his leave, returning to begin writing the report.