Before the meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPSU Central Committee held on December 1, 1941, began, the participating members arrived a little earlier than usual. Everyone talked in low voices occasionally, looking at Trade Commissar Alyosha, who looked serious, from time to time.

In the past nearly 20 years, Sino-Soviet trade had adopted a credit account model. Regardless of the trade amount, neither China nor the Soviet Union paid banknotes or precious metals to the other. Accounts were only calculated quarterly based on trade volume. Only when the Soviet Union purchased equipment and materials from other countries would it make a separate request, asking China to pay the Soviet Union's trade surplus with China in a certain foreign currency.

At 8:00 AM, the Politburo meeting began. The first to speak was the commissar of the Political Department, who introduced the recent progress of ideological education. Next, the Red Army leader spoke, introducing the military construction goals for 1942.

The CPSU Politburo was very clear that the time for the Soviet Union to participate in the war was getting closer and closer, so they listened very seriously. One of the most important contents of the Third Five-Year Plan was to build a powerful Soviet Red Army. In terms of the Army, the number of tanks would reach 30,000. Among them, the number of KV heavy tanks would reach 3,520, and the number of T-34 medium tanks would be 11,780. The scale of the Air Force expansion was even larger, reaching a production capacity of 30,000 fighters of various types per year.

So far, the Soviet Union's luck seemed quite good. It avoided the impact of the European war and gained stable development time. Although the combat effectiveness demonstrated by Nazi Germany in the Western European campaign shocked the Soviet Red Army and terrified the Red Army generals, the success of Nazi Germany also proved that the Soviet Red Army's army-building thinking was not wrong. After the completion of the Third Five-Year Plan, the Soviet Union would complete a military force far superior to the German army in scale, and its combat effectiveness would also be able to fully confront Germany.

After the reports of the first two departments were completed, it was the turn of Trade Commissar Alyosha to report. The Ministry of Trade was an important department in any country, but by no means the most important. The production scale of industrial countries was huge, and the proportion used for trade was very low. The reason why Commissar Alyosha could speak third was that the Soviet Union needed trade with China very much.

The CPSU Central Committee had accumulated more and more experience in national operation over the years. Although the Politburo would no longer talk about the value of Sino-Soviet trade to the Soviet Union, more and more members saw the facts clearly. Nearly 60% of the Soviet Union's light industrial products were imported from China, and 85% of the latest light industrial products came from China.

In recent years, domestic contradictions in the Soviet Union had improved rapidly. This was certainly because the crude style of the CPSU was being reversed to a certain extent with the improvement of management experience, but the Politburo members knew very well that when the CPSU no longer used requisition but sufficient light industrial products to meet people's needs, it was the real reason for dissolving contradictions.

Reports within the CPSU believed that even the "most reactionary Soviet peasants" were not unwilling to sell grain, but unwilling to have grain requisitioned directly. The more sufficient the supply of civilian products, the higher the labor enthusiasm of the Soviet people.

Now the members were concerned about the Sino-Soviet trade talks held at the end of every year. With China at war, the Soviet government was indeed very worried about the supply of Chinese goods.

Alyosha introduced the latest situation with a serious expression. "We have proposed to China to increase the trade volume in 1942 by 30%. The Chinese side fully accepted this trade volume. They did not raise any objections, nor did they propose price increases."

As soon as this statement came out, many Politburo members who understood the Soviet economy better breathed a sigh of relief. The commissar responsible for military work stared at Commissar Alyosha, waiting for his continued introduction.

"...Among the requests we made, the import volume of ordinary trucks increased by 2 times, and the import volume of heavy trucks increased by 3 times. All were met..."

The expressions of the commissars responsible for military work changed a bit; they more or less doubted whether China's promise would be realized.

Commissar Alyosha did not make a long speech but just introduced the main trade figures. But from this perspective, China's supply of light industrial products and tropical products to the Soviet Union had increased comprehensively. Sales of natural rubber increased by as much as 7 times. Just looking at the data, China seemed very confident in completely controlling the rubber plantations in Southeast Asia.

The CPSU members neither believed nor denied. Everyone was a leader who had seen big scenes; everything could only wait for concrete development. Some people also diverged their thinking a little: if the Chinese government could really fulfill the trade agreement, it would prove that the strength of capitalist countries was not as powerful as imagined.

When it was Molotov's turn to speak, the chubby Foreign Commissar introduced the current situation of frequent diplomatic contacts between European and American countries and the Soviet Union, and made a small summary: "At this stage, the diplomatic blockade of Western countries against the Soviet Union seems to have been broken. But the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs believes that this is likely only a temporary situation. Because all contacts from Western countries are to get the Soviet Union to declare war on China. Once the Soviet Union refuses, the attitude of these Western countries will change.

"Western countries have also lifted the economic blockade against the Soviet Union, but the practical significance of these policy changes is very limited. Because Western countries do not have enough goods to trade with the Soviet Union either. The trade volume of the trade agreements already reached is very small."

These things did not surprise the members of the CPSU Politburo. Everyone waited quietly for Molotov to introduce the diplomatic negotiations with Finland.

Molotov picked up his teacup and took a sip, stabilized his emotions for a moment, and then said as calmly as possible, "The Finnish Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated in the talks that they have no intention of participating in any military alliance against the Soviet Union. Previous contacts with the Allies were all to avoid the threat of war through peaceful means."

As soon as this remark came out, most Politburo members showed disdainful expressions. Bukharin, the person in charge of *Pravda*, even said in a sarcastic tone, "If they want to maintain security, they should reach a military alliance with the Soviet Union."

These words triggered a lot of agreement. Stalin looked at Bukharin with his usual calmness, feeling in his heart that Bukharin was a bit carried away.

In 1928, Bukharin was criticized for holding different views on national industrialization and agricultural collectivization. Bukharin insisted that the Soviet Union should focus on developing agriculture, build itself into an agricultural country, exert the Soviet Union's international economic comparative advantage, and export agricultural products in large quantities. He opposed Stalin's rapid national industrialization and agricultural collectivization.

At that time, Bukharin was not the only Politburo member opposing Stalin's policies. Moreover, with Sino-Soviet trade, Bukharin's view of exerting comparative advantages was implemented in Stalin's policies, so Bukharin changed from Stalin's opponent to a supporter. And because the assassination of Kirov did not happen, Bukharin was not executed and was still working in the Politburo.

The reason why Stalin felt Bukharin was a bit carried away was entirely because Bukharin inevitably bragged about himself when expounding on comparative advantages. In Stalin's view, the success of the Soviet Union was the success of the CPSU led by Stalin. Bukharin was only one of the members of the CPSU. The success of comparative advantages was the success under the united work of the CPSU, not Bukharin's success.

However, this kind of self-inflation had not yet touched Stalin's reverse scale, so Stalin asked, "Comrade Bukharin, what do you think is the internal reason for Finland choosing to cooperate with the Allies?"

Bukharin had just completed research in this area recently. Since Stalin asked, Bukharin answered confidently, "In the past 20-plus years, Finland has always been strengthening the concept of the Finnish nation, emphasizing that Finland and Russia are not the same nation. The result of this national propaganda is to artificially sever the relationship between Finland and Russia. Constructing barriers in identity through nationalist narratives is a common trick of capitalist regimes."

Hearing this, Stalin frowned slightly. To calm down, Stalin lit his pipe. Because there were too many cases of national resistance in the Tsarist era, the Soviet Union had a deep understanding of national narratives. Taking Poland, which had been destroyed for the third time, as an example, the reason why this country could be restored twice was entirely because after Poland was partitioned, there was always a group of Polish intellectuals insisting on Polish national propaganda. The core was that the Polish nation was completely not the same nation as Russians and Germans. This firm national cognition allowed Poland to survive.

According to Bukharin, Finland had always emphasized Finland's nationality in the past 20-plus years, carrying out historical cutting with Russia. Finland's history was not part of the Russian nation, but the development history of the Finnish nation in different periods.

There was no problem with this view, but Stalin felt a strong flavor of Chinese political economy from it. This was China's mode of expounding on nationality.

Although Stalin didn't like the Chinese flavor in academics, Stalin also knew that Bukharin's purpose in saying this was not to show off Chinese academic concepts, but to express a tough attitude.

Sure enough, Bukharin went on to say that if Finland was allowed to continue their nationalist propaganda, it would only make Finland completely refuse the possibility of becoming a member of the Russian big family again.

Speaking of this, it was indeed murderous. Such a tough attitude did not arouse the resentment of the CPSU Politburo members. Russians naturally hoped to fully inherit the territory of the Russian Empire. Especially at present, when only Finland, this one country, continued to wander outside. Although the Soviet Union did not yet have the power to fully restore Russia's former sphere of influence, it fully possessed the strength to take back Finland.

Because of absolute confidence in their military strength, the discussion on Finland did not appear murderous. The CPSU members generally believed it was necessary to carefully discuss the necessity of signing a mutual defense treaty with Finland. For protecting Finland, the Soviet Union alone was enough.

General Secretary Stalin did not express his attitude immediately. At this stage, it was not only the Soviet Union that wanted to provide protection for Finland; Germany had already contacted various political parties in Finland except the Communist Party of Finland. Moreover, Stalin also had a worry, that is, the Finnish issue would be discussed at the upcoming meeting of Allied leaders.

Stalin guessed right; Hitler was discussing the Finnish issue with Goering and others. In the talks, both Goering and Rudolf Hess opposed supporting Finland. Supporting Finland would inevitably make an enemy of the Soviet Union. With the Anglo-German peace, the trade blockade against Germany was finally lifted. Because of the Western European campaign, South American countries were very happy to trade with such a powerful and advanced Germany. Goering did not want to destroy the peace Germany had obtained with difficulty.

Rudolf Hess inherited the geopolitical concepts of his teacher, Professor Karl, believing that Germany should reach a strategic cooperative relationship with the Soviet Union. There was absolutely no need to turn hostile or even go to war with the Soviet Union for a distant Finland.

After listening to the views of these two loyal followers, Hitler smiled and shook his head. "Goering, Rudolf, both Britain and the United States are very fearful of Germany. To maintain Germany's current trade, we must make these two countries believe that Germany is not only harmless but beneficial."

Goering failed to understand Hitler's thoughts immediately, while Rudolf Hess frowned in thought. After considering for a moment, Hess still couldn't accept Hitler's view. "My Führer, I don't think it is necessary to go to war with the Soviet Union."

Looking at Hess who was not afraid of death to fly to Britain to facilitate peace talks, Hitler decided to explain. "Hess, if the Soviet Union goes to war with Germany because of Finland, we can not only get the support of Britain and the United States but also have the opportunity to seize the resources of the western Soviet Union. To date, Germany's shipping routes are still threatened by Britain and the United States. If we want to complete the Thousand-Year Reich, the resources of the western Soviet Union are vital to Germany."

Rudolf Hess could fully understand Hitler's thoughts, but thinking of the Soviet Union's power, he still couldn't fully agree with Hitler's judgment. Germany's power was enough to protect itself, but defeating the Soviet Union was still too strenuous.

Instead, Goering, who was responsible for economic work, had figured out Hitler's line of thought at this time. The Reichsmarschall looked excited. "My Führer, if the Soviet Union takes the initiative to attack us, I think Germany will win!"

Seeing that Goering was persuaded, Hitler looked at Hess again. "Hess, do you still disagree?"

Rudolf Hess replied, "My Führer, I want to see Mr. Karl."

"No need to go see him. I have already invited Mr. Karl over; he is just next door." After Hitler finished speaking, he gave a few instructions to his secretary Martin Bormann.

Soon, Martin Bormann, who went out, returned to the office, followed by Professor Karl.

Professor Karl walked in front of everyone, greeted Hitler first, and then greeted everyone else. Immediately, Professor Karl said, "My Führer, I believe that if Germany wants to go to war with the Soviet Union, it must adjust its geopolitical concepts."