At noon on the third day of the war between China and the United States, the air force on Mindanao Island in the southern Philippines finally could not withstand the attacks of the Chinese Air Force, and the remaining US air forces all withdrew to Luzon.

The Chinese Marine Corps began to land on Mindanao under the cover of the Chinese Air Force. Lieutenant General Wainwright, Commander of the Mindanao garrison, decisively ordered a counterattack. The order was conveyed to the US troops, and the US troops indeed sortied according to the order. But in the end, it was just a sortie.

Mindanao Island was densely forested. When the US troops going to reinforce were attacked by the ubiquitous Chinese Air Force, they could basically ensure safety by drilling into the woods. But the Chinese Air Force dispatched too many planes. Just after hiding from the bombing in the woods and returning to the road, a team of Chinese Air Force planes suddenly rushed out of the sky to bomb and strafe the US Army. The US Army could only hide back in the woods again.

This was the case for reinforcement troops, and the defensive troops stationed at the coast were even more miserable. Chinese bombs and rockets fell from the sky as if they cost no money. The exposed US fortifications could not withstand such blows at all and were swept away directly. As long as the relatively well-hidden US fire points opened fire, they would be hit by the Chinese Air Force within 3 minutes, with almost no chance of survival.

After landing, the Chinese Marine Corps immediately began to scout and advance to the surrounding areas. The US fire points that had endured without firing were also quickly exposed and destroyed by the Chinese Air Force. By 8:00 PM, the Chinese Marine Corps had established three landing sites on Mindanao.

MacArthur, who already knew the reason for the defeat, regained his calm mood at this time. After the United States began preparing for war in 1938, it proposed a plan to establish a force of 100,000 pilots. Later, it gradually increased the stakes. After the 100,000-pilot plan was basically completed, a new 500,000-pilot plan was being executed.

The performance of the Chinese Air Force proved that the direction of the United States establishing a powerful air force was completely correct. The defeat the US military suffered now was entirely because the United States' level of understanding of the air force was inferior to China's.

In addition to truthfully reporting the war situation, MacArthur also sent his understanding of the development direction of the war back to Washington. Although he was indeed going to be defeated this time, MacArthur did not think the United States would lose to China. China certainly had strong industrial manufacturing capabilities, but the industrial strength of the United States was by no means inferior to China. As long as the United States could learn lessons from this campaign, it could completely defeat China in the future relying on America's industrial strength.

Army Chief of Staff Marshall did not carefully read MacArthur's analysis of future military affairs; this work would be studied by relevant institutions in the US Army General Staff. Marshall called Major General Eisenhower, Director of the War Plans Division. As soon as they met, he asked, "Do you think it is appropriate to transfer MacArthur from the Philippines to Australia now?"

Eisenhower had served as MacArthur's adjutant. Hearing Chief of Staff Marshall ask this, he hesitated for a moment before asking, "Do you think we will be defeated in the short term?"

Marshall shook his head. "I don't think we should lose a general as soon as the war starts."

Eisenhower understood immediately and replied, "I agree with the Chief of Staff's view."

As the Director of the War Plans Division, Eisenhower immediately drafted a report from the War Plans Division, believing that eastern Australia was extremely important to the United States and required a general with leadership to go there to integrate coalition operations. And he provided standards.

After reading the report, Marshall signed and approved it immediately, and handed it to the Army Personnel Division. The people in the Army Personnel Division were all shrewd. Although Marshall didn't say anything, the persons in charge of the Army Personnel Division simply met and discussed for a moment, and then recommended General MacArthur to serve as the Commander of the Allied Forces in Australia.

On November 28, the fourth day of the Sino-US war, MacArthur received a transfer order requiring him to go to Australia immediately to serve as the Commander of the Allied Forces. MacArthur himself did not want to leave the troops at this time, but the disciplinary department of the Philippines Command, which received the order, immediately stepped forward and stated, "Your Excellency Commander, we have received orders from the General Staff requiring us to escort you to the airport immediately."

The US military was the regular army of an industrial country after all. MacArthur had full discretion when responsible for command, but he must obey orders regarding job transfers. Moreover, MacArthur knew that the Army General Staff had no malicious intent. Having no choice, MacArthur called the Chief of Staff and solemnly explained two things: "Immediately prepare to retreat the troops to the Bataan area, and also prepare for the whole army to retreat from the sea. Since I am going to Australia, prepare to retreat to Australia."

"Please rest assured, Commander; I will formulate the plan immediately," the Chief of Staff replied somewhat moved.

MacArthur warned seriously, "Do not stick to defending Manila; it cannot be held here."

While MacArthur was giving instructions to the Chief of Staff who took over command, Coalition Navy Commander Yamamoto Isoroku had just finished a military meeting in Taiwan about fighting a great naval battle with the US Navy in the sea east of the Philippines and west of Guam.

Geographically, the Philippines controlled by the United States was like a fishbone in the throat for the Asian Coalition. The Philippines, having lost its air power, was as harmless as an old dog with its teeth pulled out, but it could still play a role in luring the US aircraft carrier fleet.

In the Spanish-American War of 1898, the United States occupied Guam. At this time, Spain's national strength had declined, so it decided to sell the remaining islands of the Mariana Islands, the Caroline Islands, and the Marshall Islands for 4 million US dollars. The United States thought these islands were not worth 4 million US dollars and did not buy them, so they were bought by Germany.

In World War I, Japan took these islands as its own in the name of mandated territories.

After China and the United States declared war on each other, Japan immediately declared war on the United States and began attacking Guam. The US military had long built a large number of defensive facilities on Guam and surprisingly barely managed to resist the Japanese attack.

In the plan, the Coalition would dispatch 6 aircraft carrier battle groups to sail west to reach the Mariana Islands. If they did not encounter the US fleet, they would directly seize Guam and use the Mariana Islands as a base for attacking the Hawaiian Islands. Yamamoto believed in his judgment that he would definitely meet the US Grand Fleet near the Mariana Islands.

The aircraft carrier fleets in this operation were all Chinese fleets; the Japanese fleet had returned to Japan at this time. Yamamoto only told He Rui how he prepared to use the Japanese fleet and did not tell the Coalition generals about his arrangements for the Japanese fleet. After the meeting adjourned, Yamamoto looked at the map and calculated the next operation.

As soon as the Battle of the Philippine Sea (Mariana Naval Battle) unfolded and it was confirmed that they were fighting the US Grand Fleet, the 8 aircraft carrier battle groups of Japan would immediately set off for Midway Island west of Hawaii. If the remaining fleet of the US Pacific Fleet set off from Hawaii for rescue, they would engage in a decisive battle with the US fleet near Midway. If the US military did not sortied, or only sortied a small number of fleets, they would seize Midway.

He Rui did not evaluate this combat plan, only stating, "I don't understand the Navy; please ask Commander Yamamoto to be responsible for specific operations."

Yamamoto only believed half of He Rui's words. He Rui never had naval experience and did not understand naval combat command; this was certain. But the current development of the Coalition Navy was formulated by He Rui. Saying He Rui didn't understand the Navy was just a humble statement.

Yamamoto's gaze moved from the Pacific to the Indian Ocean and landed on India. In Yamamoto's view, He Rui became famous as a soldier. If his military skills could be scored 90 points, He Rui's political and economic abilities could be scored a full 100 points.

In conversation, He Rui's mind was obviously not on the passionate Southeast Asian campaign, but on the economy. As a politician and military commander, He Rui focused on how to quickly incorporate the economies of Southeast Asia and India into the Asian Economic Cooperation Organization under naval protection to rapidly expand the economy.

The reason Yamamoto thought so was that He Rui would rather risk the flank being threatened by the US military in the Philippines to send a large number of civilian freighters south along the route near the Indochina Peninsula to trade with the liberated areas. These merchant ships were full of goods overstocked in warehouses in China and Japan due to the economic crisis. After unloading the goods in Southeast Asia, the merchant ships would be fully loaded with traded Southeast Asian raw materials and travel all the way north, returning to China and Japan.

The Japanese domestic market was much smaller than China's, and they had to pick and choose these goods, selecting the categories Japan needed. China's huge market accepted all goods from Southeast Asia; oil, minerals, tropical crops, grain—China ate as much as came.

After opening up the Strait of Malacca, the merchant fleet risked traveling all the way to Lower Burma. Lower Burma was rich in rice. After driving the British army out of Lower Burma, Chinese merchant ships loaded with cloth and iron agricultural tools went to Rangoon Port for trading.

At this time, the first trading fleet had crossed the Strait of Malacca fully loaded with rice. Out of curiosity, Yamamoto asked the aviation troops to bring him some Burmese rice to taste. Compared with Burmese rice, Yamamoto preferred the taste of Japanese and Northeast Chinese rice.

But Burma produced not only rice, but also rubber, sugarcane, palm, and cotton, which were products Japan needed but could not produce. Japan imported these goods from Burma and sold Japanese industrial products to Burma. These trades could not be realized before due to British colonial rule. Now Japan had finally opened the Burmese market, which had huge benefits for the Japanese economy.

Withdrawing his gaze, Yamamoto looked at the Mariana Islands again. Let experts like He Rui be responsible for these political and economic matters. As a naval expert, Yamamoto naturally had to be responsible for naval matters. Moreover, He Rui himself was also a military strategist. A politician proficient in military affairs leading the Asian Alliance made Yamamoto feel very at ease.

At this time, He Rui was hosting a banquet for the Burmese parliamentary representatives represented by Aung San. Also invited were representatives of the independence faction in the Bengal region of British India.

The war to liberate India was 70% politics and 30% military. The Coalition was fully capable of sweeping India in a short time, but the result of doing so would not be good. After driving away the British, China would be unfamiliar with the people and land of India. Not to mention that the Coalition couldn't attack the Congress Party; even if they wanted to annihilate the Congress Party, the Coalition didn't know which Indians were Congress Party members. So He Rui's strategy for India was step by step.

Although this banquet was to entertain the future leaders of Burma, the independence representatives of the Bengal region had to be brought along. Letting the Bengal independence representatives see how China treated Burma would make the independence activists in the Bengal region feel at ease.

At the banquet, He Rui also observed the Bengal independence representatives. It could be seen that seeing with their own eyes that China treated the upper echelon of Burma, which had obtained substantial independence, so courteously, the Bengal independence representatives were very excited.

After the banquet, the Bengal representatives who got the opportunity to meet with He Rui immediately expressed eagerly, "Your Excellency Chairman, we in Bengal hope to obtain independence with China's help."

Even seeing the independence of Upper Burma and Assam, the Bengal independence representatives dared not fully trust China at first. But seeing He Rui's attitude towards Burmese leaders with their own eyes, the Bengal representatives decided to put aside their grudges and get independence first.

He Rui was not prepared to do anything to Bengal; he just hoped that Bengal would gain independence, rather than the entire India gaining independence as a whole. Seeing that the Bengal independence representatives were firm in seeking Bengal's independence from British India, He Rui said kindly, "China is willing to support Bengal's independence cause."

Seeing He Rui agree to support Bengal's independence, the Bengal independence representatives were overjoyed and began to probe He Rui's requirements for Bengal.

He Rui also pushed the boat with the current, saying, "After Bengal becomes independent, it should support the independence cause of the Naxal region bordering Bengal. Both Bengal and Naxal are oppressed by Britain. In the stage of gaining independence, you should help each other, and after independence, you should also maintain good relations between countries."

The Naxal region was in western Bengal and did not believe in Islam like the Bengal region. Hearing that China would support Naxal independence next, the Bengal independence representatives immediately stated, "Please rest assured, Your Excellency Chairman, we will definitely support Naxal's independence!"

This was not the Bengal independence representatives fooling He Rui. Once the western Naxal successfully became independent, Bengal would have Assam to the north and Upper Burma and Burma to the east, no longer bordering British India. Although it might be attacked by British India from the sea, rumors that the Chinese Navy had inflicted heavy losses on the British Navy had already spread in Bengal. The Bengal independence representatives believed that the Chinese Navy could protect Bengal from attacks from the sea.

With Naxal helping Bengal resist the attacks of British India, Bengal could build the country with peace of mind. So the idea of supporting Naxal independence came from the heart and was not false.

This was what He Rui wanted. Seeing that the Bengal independence representatives had no objections, He Rui reiterated his firm support for Bengal's independence and introduced Li Runshi to the Bengal independence representatives. The decision-making work was responsible by He Rui, and the execution work after deciding the general direction was naturally responsible by other comrades.

Ending the meeting with the Bengal independence representatives, He Rui met with the independence representatives of the Naxal region. In He Rui's time and space, the Naxal region was most famous for the "Communist Party of India (Maoist)," a faction that insisted on armed struggle and was quite fierce.

Unlike meeting the independence representatives of the Bengal region, He Rui took the initiative to state, "China has always firmly opposed colonialism, so we will do our best to support the independence movement of the Naxal people!"