On May 10, 1941, Britain expelled Rudolf Hess, who had intruded into the country. Britain and Germany carried out a personnel exchange at the agreed French port of Calais. After the frigate escorting Rudolf Hess sailed into the port of Calais, Hess was escorted off the ship by British police and handed over to the German secret police, the Gestapo, opposite them. Several German personnel boarded the British ship on the grounds of handling formalities and conducted secret negotiations with the British personnel in the cabin. German Foreign Minister Ribbentrop was one of them.

If Rudolf Hess was unafraid of death, Ribbentrop shared the same sentiment. After facilitating the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, Ribbentrop's ideal was to facilitate the signing of an Anglo-German treaty. Sitting opposite the British representative, Ribbentrop opened with two questions: "Does the United Kingdom believe that both Germany and Britain have a responsibility to defend European civilization? Does the United Kingdom realize that China is threatening European civilization?"

The British representative heard a heartfelt zeal in Ribbentrop's voice, and this zeal caused a strong impact on him. Although Germany's international credit had effectively collapsed, Ribbentrop still gave the British representative the feeling that this person might still be someone with whom communication was possible.

Seeing that Ribbentrop had no intention of saying anything else, the British representative spoke. "Germany has caused enormous damage to European civilization. The King's Government believes that Germany must withdraw from Poland, France, the Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, and Norway. Restore the European situation to its pre-war state."

Ribbentrop did not answer this question but pointed directly to the issue that was vital for Germany. "Britain must immediately lift the trade blockade against Germany so that Germany can trade with countries around the world. Britain must never blockade Germany again!"

After both sides put forward their own demands, a heated diplomatic negotiation began. Ribbentrop was highly appreciated by Hitler and had access to high-level German information. Germany had won seemingly incredible military victories but had failed to solve the real economic problems facing Germany. The lack of raw materials made it impossible for Germany to operate at full capacity. Without enough job opportunities, Germany could not develop its economy.

Germany truly knew that their exploitation in the occupied countries would only trigger huge hatred, but Germany had no choice. Although appearing unyielding at this time, Ribbentrop was actually trying every means to make the British understand that Germany really had no intention of defeating Britain, nor did it intend to continue the war.

The current Germany was a gambler who had won a big bet at the table. Since Germany had restored its sovereignty and honor, Hitler expected to pocket the huge gains rather than continue to gamble at huge risk. Hitler knew very well that entering a stage of normal economic development, rather than continuing to fight to the death, was the situation that best served Germany's interests.

For Britain, it was of course impossible to let Hitler pack up the European continent and take it away. Although the threats from the United States and China made Britain consider accepting that Germany had won this gamble, Britain could absolutely not let Nazi Germany win so much.

After a long conversation with Ribbentrop, the British representative also made Ribbentrop understand Britain's bottom line. Britain had no interest in dismantling the current Nazi group. But Germany must give up France and the Low Countries. As for Poland, that could be discussed.

Ribbentrop felt that he had figured out Britain's bottom line, so he ended the talk. On the plane back to Berlin, Ribbentrop rarely exchanged views with Hess on Britain's peace terms. Rudolf Hess's teacher was Professor Karl, the current president of the German Academy of Sciences, and Ribbentrop very much agreed with Professor Karl's concepts on geopolitics.

After listening to Britain's conditions, Hess immediately stated, "I think it is perfectly acceptable. Germany has already gained a huge advantage in Europe for the next ten years. As long as normal trade can be restored, Germany can meet its demand for raw materials and can continue to develop the Central and Eastern European markets, which is a large market of nearly 200 million people."

Ribbentrop felt that this view was not enough to move Hitler, so he did not respond. Hess continued excitedly, "The most important thing is that it is impossible for China not to launch an attack on Britain. In order to maintain their world interests, Britain and France will inevitably go to war with China. At that time, Germany can still gain the markets of Britain and France.

"More importantly, I don't think the Soviet Union will really stand by and watch. If the Soviet Union launches an attack on Germany, once defeated by us, Germany can occupy the western regions of the Soviet Union. The Thousand-Year Reich of Germany can be completed!"

This reason shocked Ribbentrop. In terms of strength, this reason was strong enough to change Hitler's resolve. But this bet was too big. Just thinking of the scene of millions of Soviet Red Army soldiers charging towards Germany, Ribbentrop's heart began to beat violently.

After a long pause, Ribbentrop asked, "Do you think the Soviet Union will take the initiative to attack Germany?"

Hess nodded vigorously. "It is impossible for Britain and France to use all their strength to fight China now, and India is Britain's testicles. Once India is lost, Britain will no longer be the world hegemon. The Soviet Union will inevitably be unable to restrain the impulse and start its expansion. At this stage, Germany will inevitably become the savior of the entire Europe. Strategically, patience is a virtue."

"But we are conceding too much," Ribbentrop still couldn't believe that Hitler would accept such peace terms.

Hearing this, Hess's eyes brightened. "My teacher, Professor Karl, analyzed the process of Bismarck unifying Germany and He Rui unifying China. Bismarck won every war but gave up a lot. He Rui won the Sino-British War but also chose to retreat. Do you question the political wisdom of these two men?"

Ribbentrop hurriedly shook his head. Bismarck and He Rui were both people Ribbentrop looked up to in his heart.

Hess continued, "If we only end the war after making such a huge concession, our concession will be meaningless. But the war is not over; instead, it will break out more violently. I firmly believe that Britain cannot defeat China, not even with France, or even with the United States. All the concessions we make now can be taken back in the future."

Ribbentrop had absolutely no confidence in persuading Hitler, but he also believed that this was a very rare opportunity. At a time when Germany's international credit was completely bankrupt, such an opportunity was truly fleeting. Ribbentrop decided to do his best to persuade Hitler.

After returning to Berlin, the two were taken to see Hitler. The others looked at Rudolf Hess with complicated gazes. Seeing Hess walk up to him, Hitler kept a straight face, walked around the large desk to Hess, and said in a deep voice, "Don't take risks next time. You are very important to me!"

Hearing this, Hess wanted to say something, but his lips trembled and he couldn't speak. After a moment, he actually cried in front of everyone. Hitler took out a handkerchief from his pocket and handed it to Hess. Hess took the handkerchief, but the tears flowed even more turbulently. Hitler patted Hess, his cellmate after the Beer Hall Putsch, and walked back to sit behind the desk himself.

Hess did not lose control of his emotions for long. He quickly recovered, wiped his face with the handkerchief, and stood in front of Hitler with Ribbentrop. At this time, Goering and Goebbels, who were waiting outside the office, were called in by Hitler's secretary, Martin Bormann. Ribbentrop began to relay Britain's conditions.

Goebbels looked gloomy and just listened quietly. Goering initially frowned slightly, but his brow quickly relaxed. Hitler looked calm and showed no displeasure. After Ribbentrop finished speaking, Hitler asked, "Are you sure Britain is willing to negotiate peace with us?"

"My Führer, I believe Britain is willing to negotiate with us," Ribbentrop gave an unambiguous answer.

Hitler turned to Hess. "Rudolf, what is your view?"

Hess immediately replied, "My Führer, we can withdraw from the Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, and northern France, but these areas must be demilitarized."

After a moment of thought, Hitler turned to Ribbentrop. "Ribbentrop, go and talk to the British like this."

Not expecting Hitler to agree to peace talks so quickly, Ribbentrop immediately straightened his back and responded, "Yes, My Führer."

After Ribbentrop and Hess left, Goering threw a brick at Ribbentrop. "My Führer, I feel Ribbentrop is too enthusiastic about policies beneficial to Britain!"

Hitler did not take up this topic. Ribbentrop was the last to join among the core members of the Nazi Party, and he was also the one who had been most in the limelight in the past few years. Except for making no progress in diplomacy with China, Ribbentrop could be described as adept in dealing with other countries. Hitler knew very well that precisely because of this, Ribbentrop had incurred the hostility of many high-level German officials.

"What do you think?" Hitler asked directly.

Goering did not hesitate and replied immediately, "If Britain is really willing to negotiate peace, I think it can be accepted. It's just that this condition is not beneficial to Germany."

Hitler did not answer but turned to Propaganda Minister Dr. Goebbels. From the summer of 1917 to the spring of 1921, Goebbels relied mainly on the funding of the Catholic Albertus Magnus Society to study history and literature successively at the University of Bonn, the University of Freiburg, the University of Würzburg, the University of Munich, and the University of Heidelberg. In April 1921, Goebbels obtained a doctorate in philosophy under the guidance of Professor Friedrich Gundolf, a historian of Jewish literature at the University of Heidelberg.

Goebbels had remained silent. Seeing Hitler looking at him, Goebbels replied without hesitation, "My Führer, I think we should immediately negotiate with Britain on the condition of withdrawing from the Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, and northern France. The faster the negotiation process, the better."

Goering was a bit confused by Goebbels' attitude. He originally thought that since Britain wanted peace talks, Germany could take the opportunity to bargain. But he didn't expect that the highly educated and learned core members of the Nazi Party would without exception be willing to support Britain's seemingly excessive conditions. In sharp contrast, before the start of the Western European campaign, every one of them had advocated war as soon as possible.

Hitler greatly appreciated Goebbels' judgment. "Negotiate as soon as possible" grasped the main point. What Hitler lacked most now was time. Even if the British had their own ideas, as long as the negotiations were fast enough, Hitler's plan would not be affected.

Time passed quickly, and in the blink of an eye, it was May 15th. Early in the morning, Stalin asked about the situation in the eastern region. Learning that no war had broken out, Stalin said nothing and continued to work.

By evening, there was still no news of war. Stalin did not ask again, and he had even less confidence in the intelligence that Germany was going to attack the Soviet Union. Recently, the British side often provided news that Germany was going to invade the Soviet Union, and the Soviet Union's own intelligence system also constantly transmitted various news. One piece of news looked terrible, and was even sent to Commissar Kirov.

That intelligence report described in detail the military plan of the German army dividing into three army groups to attack the Soviet Union, and even the commanders and configurations of the three army groups were written very clearly. This news made even Commissar Kirov feel very nervous.

Most intelligence pointed to mid-May as the time for the German invasion, and some intelligence directly stated that the German army would invade the Soviet Union on May 15th.

Since the war did not happen, Stalin decided to hold a meeting on May 16th to discuss the matter of the *Pacific Charter*. Recently, the members of the Politburo of the CPSU had various views on the *Pacific Charter* led by China. Stalin felt that these members should have some relatively mature views at this stage.