After Kirov admitted his mistake, Stalin did not pursue the matter further. The Soviet domestic economy was developing too rapidly; problems, rather than decreasing, were being exposed in greater numbers. Stalin certainly did not want to see industrial accidents, nor did he want to see workers disabled due to improper operation. However, Stalin firmly believed that only through more education and more practice could the masses come to understand the problems sooner, and thus solve them more thoroughly.

Lighting his pipe, Stalin asked, "Do you think China will accept the cooperation proposal put forward by Germany?"

Kirov composed himself, thought for a moment, and asked, "Comrade General Secretary, do you think we should tell China?"

"I want to hear your view." Stalin did not answer directly. Since Kirov had been confirmed as his successor, he should be given the space to make decisions himself. Through Kirov's answer, Stalin could also assess Kirov's own capabilities.

Kirov answered immediately, "What China needs is the equipment; we only need to fulfill the contract. As for the conflict between China and Germany, it is a political conflict, not an economic one. I believe China has a very clear understanding of both."

Stalin had considered the same. Since Kirov said so, he decided to proceed according to the commercial contract. Through exchanges over these years, Stalin had determined that while China was indeed socialist in ideology, its economic model differed greatly from the Soviet one. The Soviet Union used German components and processing equipment when producing equipment, which should have been clarified during trade negotiations. If the Chinese side raised objections, only then would it be the turn of the relevant Soviet departments to step in. Notifying China in advance would only be a show of weakness; the Soviet Union was a great power and had absolutely no reason to do so.

With the decision made at the top, the Soviet commercial representatives followed the contract stipulations and, when providing product parameters, included the factors originating from Germany. The Chinese reaction was swift; they met with the Soviet commercial representatives again that same day. Just as the Soviet representatives thought the Chinese representatives were going to raise questions about Germany, the Chinese representative asked, "May I ask which specific technical problems the Soviet side believes the technology and equipment support provided by Germany has actually improved?"

The Soviet representatives were officials and cadres, while the Chinese technical experts were, well, technical experts. Being asked this by China, the Soviet representatives realized they were unable to answer the technical details at that moment. Fortunately, China and the Soviet Union had years of close trade relations, so the Soviet representative replied, "We will convey your request to our country immediately. We are unsure exactly what kind of information you need."

The Chinese representatives were quite speechless but had no other recourse. Soviet officials would ask for instructions layer by layer when encountering problems. In contrast, the Chinese side believed that since it was a commercial activity, it should naturally be the responsibility of the enterprise. If something went wrong, the enterprise would be held accountable according to the contract. Having officials lead work that should be the responsibility of technical experts was simply too inefficient.

The Soviet officials were not bad people, nor could they be called good people. What was certain was that these people were definitely not technical experts. Even if they had once been experts, having left the front lines of technology, their understanding of the latest technical equipment was relatively weak. Negotiating with Soviet officials was too troublesome.

But things being as they were, there was no other way. They could only wait for the Soviet side to resolve it according to their economic management model. This wait lasted until early February 1934. Not only was the Chinese side suspecting that the Soviet side had changed its mind, but Germany's Schacht also felt that the Soviets were speaking prettily but were actually just trying to use this cooperation to whet Germany's appetite.

It was not until February 3rd, after hearing his subordinate report on the content of the exchanges with the Soviet side, that Schacht understood. The Soviet official responsible for this matter had been too arrogant, thinking he could sort out the content of the technology and equipment provided by Germany himself, but was not up to the task. After spending a long time, he still could not complete it. For this reason, the Soviet upper echelons directly removed this official and replaced him with a new one.

The one removed was named Nikolaev, and the new appointee was also named Nikolaev. This latter Nikolaev had clearly learned the lesson and requested the German side to send technical experts to participate in the Sino-Soviet meetings. Schacht was relatively satisfied with this result; he could not understand why the Soviet Union had been so dawdling on this matter. Given the current relationship between China and Germany, China had already made its attitude clear, hoping the Nazi government would step down. So at most, the deal would not go through—how much worse could it get?

Based on Schacht's intuition, he felt this deal would definitely go through, and there might even be follow-ups. After all, Germany had not built a large-scale thermal power station for quite a few years. Although the technical capability existed, investment in research and development was insufficient. Now, with the opportunity to join the Sino-Soviet 200-megawatt, or 200,000-kilowatt, thermal power station project, Germany could contribute technology and share in the technology of large-scale thermal power stations.

According to the latest news, the United States had already begun the design and manufacture of 300,000-kilowatt thermal power stations. Germany certainly did not have the financial resources to catch up in the field of large-scale thermal power stations of such scale. Moreover, what Germany needed right now was also to go all out and move fast; the mature technology of 200,000-kilowatt thermal power stations was perfectly capable of meeting Germany's current needs.

With this news in hand, Schacht sent someone to deliver a report to Hitler, simply briefing him on the matter. Hitler had just finished reading the report when his secretary came to announce that the Chief of Staff of the SA (Sturmabteilung), Röhm, had arrived.

The good mood brought by seeing the progress was broken by the arrival of SA Chief of Staff Röhm. Hitler prepared himself psychologically before having Röhm shown in. Sure enough, just as Hitler had expected, as soon as Röhm saw Hitler, he proposed that the Wehrmacht (Defense Force) should become a subordinate department of the SA, and that the SA should become the leader of Germany's armed forces.

As early as the Beer Hall Putsch era, Röhm had believed that the Wehrmacht must be abolished and replaced by a people's armed force. Now that the Nazi Party had come to power and the SA had performed deeds of valor, Röhm believed it was time for Hitler to realize the ideal of those years.

Hitler looked at Röhm, feeling a surge of disgust in his heart. Recently, Röhm had become increasingly arrogant and domineering, causing Hitler's loathing for him to skyrocket. And it was not just Hitler who loathed Röhm and considered him a threat; Göring, Goebbels, Himmler, and Hess were all dissatisfied with Röhm. They were all senior veterans of the Nazi Party, and throughout the party's development over these years, they all believed that Röhm's loyalty to Hitler was far lower than his loyalty to the SA.

"Röhm, I heard several SA leaders say that some German army officers are pigs, that most officers are too old and must be replaced by young people, and that we only have to wait for Hindenburg to pass away to resist the army. Is this true?" Hitler asked.

Röhm found it strange that Hitler would suddenly be interested in such rumors. Because these were not rumors, but the common view of the SA. The German Wehrmacht had only 100,000 men, while the SA already had 3 million; wasn't it a matter of course for the SA to absorb the Wehrmacht?

Thinking this, Röhm answered decisively, "Mein Führer, this is not a rumor. Is this not the fact?"

Murderous intent rose steeply in Hitler's heart, but he believed it was not yet time to tear off the mask with Röhm. Moreover, the ideals Röhm had consistently adhered to over these years were also Hitler's ideals from back then. It was just that Hitler had now ascended to a higher position, and his cognition and understanding of the world were no longer those of the past.

Thinking of this, Hitler calmed his mood and began to converse with Röhm. "Röhm, do you think the German national movement has succeeded?"

"Of course!" Röhm answered proudly.

"Then are the goals of the SA and the German Army now the same: to serve the German national movement?" Hitler attempted to guide Röhm to think in the correct direction. Hitler felt that if Röhm could understand the higher pattern, he should be able to understand that the ideas of their youth were not wrong, but reality had changed.

"No, the German Army is the army of the German privileged class, not the army of the people," Röhm answered immediately. "Mein Führer, can't you see clearly? The German Army is only loyal to themselves. They are not loyal to you, and even less loyal to our cause. I know that many army officers also identify with the Führer's ideals. However, they will still choose to be loyal to the Army. Mein Führer, this is the tradition of the Army. Among the November Criminals, among those who betrayed Germany, was the Army."

These were Röhm's heartfelt words, spoken with sincerity and emotion. So much so that Hitler was somewhat moved and wavered slightly.

Seeing Hitler's expression, Röhm continued to persuade, "Mein Führer, back then William II..."

Some wavering appeared in Hitler's heart again. Back then, he and Röhm both believed the German Wehrmacht was untrustworthy, partly because of the Wehrmacht's betrayal. What Hitler hoped for was an army that could uphold ideals and fight to the end. But the organization of an army inherently implied the risk of betrayal, so both men had believed that an army loyal to revolutionary ideals must be built, rather than an army controlled by aristocrats.

But even though his heart wavered, Hitler still tried to persuade Röhm. "Röhm, we do not possess the experience accumulated by the army. At a time like this, shouldn't it be a time for full cooperation?"

Röhm stared at Hitler and answered with passion, "Mein Führer, we do not deny the military professionalism of the Army. That is why making the Wehrmacht a part of the SA is precisely the opportunity to let the reliable people's armed forces possess professional military capabilities. If those in the Wehrmacht truly consider themselves part of the German national movement, shouldn't they join us with joy?"

Hitler did not speak again. He had realized that Röhm was not bargaining, but truly believed that the Wehrmacht must be disbanded. And the Wehrmacht's view was equally insistent; they believed the SA had no military professionalism and that leaders of the SA like Röhm were a threat to Germany's military power. Although the SA and the Wehrmacht were equally insistent on their own standpoints, neither accepted the other gaining dominance.

Thinking of this, Hitler asked with almost no hope, "Röhm, what have the SA personnel been studying recently?"

Röhm felt that Hitler had probably been persuaded by him, so he answered excitedly, "Mein Führer, recently the SA is studying how to divide the regions each will be responsible for in the future. If we encounter enemy resistance, we can resolve them in the most effective way."

Hearing this, Hitler's last hope was shattered. Hitler could accept Röhm's loyalty to the SA, but the fact that the SA was currently considering how to parcel out land and distribute internal power, rather than spending energy on how to build a truly combat-effective army, proved that the SA was just a mob.

In contrast, the Wehrmacht, even though reduced to 100,000 men and restricted from possessing heavy weapons, aircraft, and submarines, continued to conduct research in the military field. To this day, the Wehrmacht had not only discarded the backward military concepts of the European War but had also pushed through the old to bring forth the new, updating their war concepts. Although these reflections were somewhat varied and motley, at least the Wehrmacht's military concepts could be immediately used to build a stronger German army.

Hitler had completely lost hope in the SA and turned to placating Röhm. Based on his understanding of Röhm, Hitler knew Röhm did not yet have the guts to oppose him. What Hitler needed now was to stabilize Röhm and keep this guy from causing trouble. Although Röhm was good for nothing, what he said was correct: the Wehrmacht was not currently loyal to Hitler. Hitler needed to gain the loyalty of the army as soon as possible. Only when he had the army under his control could Hitler solve problems better.

In the days that followed, Hitler began to work on the Wehrmacht. During this period, Hitler received a report from Schacht: the German technical team had arrived in the Soviet Union. After exchanges with Soviet experts, the German technical team had obtained permission from the Soviet Union to participate in the Sino-Soviet negotiations.

At this time, He Rui also received the news that the German technical team was participating in the 200,000-kilowatt thermal power station production project. He Rui did not care much about this. As long as it followed the commercial contract, Germany contributing a part of the effort would also help the project be completed as soon as possible.

Moreover, right now in front of He Rui, there was something more important than this matter. The French Third Republic was indeed the French Third Republic; having only been peaceful for less than two terms of government, the French cabinet had fallen just three days ago. The reason for the collapse was not because of any problem within France, but because the French political parties had an uneven distribution of spoils and had fallen out directly using the French national holiday bill as an excuse.

If it were just these guys causing some mess, He Rui would only have sighed, "The Old Revolutionary Base Area is indeed the Old Revolutionary Base Area!" But for their own interests, the various factions in the French political arena had wired the Chinese government one after another, expressing requests to visit China. These French bigwigs had good relations with China, and they also expressed through private channels their hope that the Chinese government could express support for them.

He Rui put down the report regarding Germany and said to Wu Youping in front of him, "Youping, let's do this. If a cabinet appears in France that lasts for a year and a half, you can consider visiting France. If a cabinet appears that lasts for more than two years, you can consider accepting a request from France inviting me to visit."

Both Wu Youping and Li Runshi beside him were stunned. After a moment, Li Runshi praised, "This standard is very good."

He Rui was quite helpless; even Li Runshi's praise could not make him feel better. Originally, He Rui thought he might be able to change a lot of things, but the fact that those seemingly bizarre events occurred in the world only proved that these so-called bizarre events indeed conformed to a certain order.

The system of the French Third Republic was originally a system designed for the restoration of the Emperor. Before an Emperor or a Napoleon appeared, it was destined to result in this kind of mess. In France, if the economy was bad, they would definitely make a fuss. And if the economy got better, they would make even more of a fuss. Everyone has money, so why not get rowdy!

After listening to He Rui's judgment, Wu Youping scratched an itchy spot on his cheek before sighing, "Chairman, have you heard about something? Now there are people who want you to proclaim yourself Emperor."

"Proclaim myself Emperor?" He Rui was stunned for a moment before asking, "What do they want to get out of this kind of proposal?"

Wu Youping told the truth. "Chairman, right now some people hope you can become President for Life. But some people feel that a President for Life is not secure either, so people have suggested in the newspapers that you, Chairman, should directly proclaim yourself Emperor. This way, partisan disputes can be completely resolved. Oh, right, according to their phrasing, it's called a 'Free Monarchy'."

He Rui hesitated for a moment before asking, "There isn't anyone within the Party echoing this kind of talk, is there?"

Wu Youping did not know how to answer. Within the Civilization Party, there was currently no one challenging He Rui's leadership position. Even if there were, they only hoped to obtain the position of He Rui's deputy through internal party elections. In other words, what these people expected was only the status of a successor, and they did not have the idea of replacing He Rui.

However, if some people gave birth to the idea of hoping for a transfer of leadership, naturally there would be those hoping that the leadership would not waver. Moreover, those who held this view actually had little interest in the imperial system itself; what they hoped for was to avoid the various turmoil triggered after a change in leader.

Seeing Wu Youping's troubled look, He Rui probably knew what was going on. He Rui thought of Zhang Xiluan. This old gentleman was truly interesting; he had very seriously written a parting letter to He Rui, yet still instructed his son that if He Rui did not come in person and ask personally if there was a letter, he should not give the letter to He Rui.

It could be seen that Zhang Xiluan truly hoped that He Rui would receive this letter while caring deeply about Zhang Xiluan's feelings.

In the letter, Zhang Xiluan very sincerely requested He Rui to proclaim himself Emperor, or at least become President for Life. Zhang Xiluan stated that the Zhang family were absolutely not people who clung to the dragon and the phoenix, and even if He Rui proclaimed himself Emperor, he must absolutely not establish a noble system. Using titles of nobility to buy people's hearts would only bring disaster to the country and the people.

But Zhang Xiluan equally agreed that the current China needed a strongman to lead China through a few decades of stability. Only in this way could China continue to develop forward. Finally, Zhang Xiluan wrote sincerely: *When Han Zhaolie ascended the throne, the world was at peace.*

He Rui felt that Zhang Xiluan's cultural level seemed not to be high; comparing He Rui to Liu Bei was somewhat nondescript. But thinking about it again, He Rui felt that this comparison had a strange appropriateness.

"Youping, exactly which people proposed such an outrageous idea?" He Rui asked.