On the streets of Berlin, Germany, Chinese envoy Ye Lin, having finished packing her luggage for her return to China, stood by the window watching the Berlin streetscape. Ye Lin had witnessed rapid urban construction back in China, and she hadn't expected to see the same scene in Germany. Berlin's streets, unchanged for many years, had suddenly become bustling again. New factories and residential buildings were under construction. The construction sites were teeming with people, a scene of fiery activity.

Although Ye Lin did not like the Nazi Party, after Hitler came to power, he had rapidly opened factories relying on funds provided by Mefo bills. Germany's unemployment rate had dropped rapidly in eight months, from 6 million to 2.2 million. Such economic performance was indeed very impressive.

To achieve such an employment rate, the Nazi Party had exhausted all methods. This included removing women from the workforce and suppressing workers' wages after banning trade unions. But Germany had been in such a miserable state before that the lives of the German people under these policies were much better than the days from 1929 to early 1933, earning the Nazi Party the support of the German people.

As Ye Lin watched the street scene, she saw two people dressed as Taoist priests appear on the bustling street. The contrast between the Taoist robes and Western clothing was stark. The two priests themselves were not flamboyant, but their appearance on the street was very eye-catching. Judging by their direction, they were heading straight for the Chinese Legation. Before long, the two priests entered the embassy reception, disappearing from Ye Lin's view.

*It seems something interesting has happened,* Ye Lin thought.

An hour later, a staff member came to report to Ye Lin. It turned out the Nazi government was restricting religion. The German Taoist Association had received a notification; the Nazi government required the Taoist Association to cease operations. The two members of the Chinese Taoist Association who had come to Germany were asking if the Legation had any way to help them urgently.

The Legation had already received relevant news. The Nazi government's restrictions on religious activities were not targeted solely at Taoism or Judaism, but restricted all religious activities within Germany.

In early 1933, on the day the Reichstag ceded its legislative powers to this dictator, Hitler delivered a speech to this German legislative body, praising the Christian faith as "essential for safeguarding the soul of the German people," promising to respect the rights of these faiths, declaring his government's "ambition is to seek a harmonious accord between Church and State," and adding, "We hope to improve our friendly relations with the Holy See."

But this propaganda, like all of Hitler's other propaganda, was full of deceit. On July 20, 1933, the Nazi government signed a concordat with the Vatican, guaranteeing Catholic freedom and the church's right to "manage its own affairs." This agreement was signed by Papen on behalf of Germany, and by Cardinal Pacelli, the Vatican Secretary of State, on behalf of the Holy See.

Five days after the agreement was signed, on July 25, the German government promulgated a "Sterilization Law." Actions of "purification" targeting the Catholic Church began. The Catholic Church had a lot of dirty laundry; if bishops and priests only played with women, they would be considered saints. A traditional hobby of bishops and priests was the sexual abuse of 8-to-14-year-old boys. The Nazi Party started from this entry point, and they caught them one after another.

Although Ye Lin detested the Nazi Party—and the Nazi Party was doing this to seize control of society—seeing those bishops and priests who sexually abused little boys being arrested one by one, Ye Lin felt she rather appreciated the "purification" the Catholic Church was suffering. Compared to the blow dealt to Catholicism, Taoism, a religion of personal cultivation, had not suffered discrimination.

But Ye Lin did not intend to back down. Diplomatic work was about maximizing the protection of one's own interests through communication. Although Ye Lin might not necessarily be able to achieve anything, she could not fail to argue on the basis of reason. Having determined her stance, Ye Lin began making calls to relevant personnel in the Nazi government.

After contacting them for a day, the Nazi government offered all sorts of excuses. Bureaucratic systems relied on this kind of "please find the relevant department" shifting of responsibility. Ye Lin prepared to pursue this to the end, determined to find the department responsible for the matter. She persisted partly because one must never show weakness to German bureaucrats, and partly because Ye Lin wanted to understand the internal operations of the Nazi government. Since she was leaving anyway, Ye Lin felt spending time on this matter was also a good opportunity to gather intelligence.

For two consecutive days, Ye Lin ran from one Nazi department to another, tenaciously gaming against the Nazi bureaucrats. There were many workers on the streets, especially near construction sites. The coming and going of workers and vehicles transporting building materials caused severe congestion on the not-so-wide streets of Berlin. Seeing that the appointment time was approaching, Ye Lin decided to walk to the last place she needed to visit today: the department of the Nazi SS responsible for this matter.

Ye Lin was from Shaanxi. Walking on the streets of Germany, she could see older women carrying cloth bags, buying food to cook at home, wearing headscarves. These headscarves were somewhat similar to the white sheep-belly towels of Shaanxi. German women, like Shaanxi women, tried to tie them in relatively good-looking styles, giving Ye Lin a sense of familiarity.

As she approached the SS headquarters, the number of SS troops in black uniforms noticeably increased. This was another familiar feeling. The Chinese Security Bureau wore black uniforms, and the German SS uniforms clearly had the feel of the Chinese Security Bureau's black uniforms. From an aesthetic perspective, this black uniform represented coldness, abstinence, and firmness, making it all the more attractive.

When ordinary Germans saw these black uniforms, their expressions were filled with awe. These people represented the backbone of the Nazi Party, representing the violence of the dark side. And the person Ye Lin was to meet this time was none other than the head of the Gestapo, the most violent element within the SS: Heydrich.

Passing through the long, dim corridors of the Gestapo office building and entering a bright office, upon seeing Heydrich, Ye Lin actually felt a slight appreciation for this young Nazi core member who felt like a beast yet clearly obeyed reason. Heydrich's expression was focused but not tense; he was even courteous when greeting Ye Lin.

As Ye Lin recounted the Chinese government's inquiry regarding the ban on the German Taoist Association's activities, Heydrich remained silent. His blue eyes were calm and unrippled; combined with his meticulous hairstyle and uniform, he was truly full of oppressive force. But Ye Lin was not afraid in the slightest. Behind her was China. Although China and Germany were located at opposite ends of the World Island and were unlikely to break into war, China was already a ranking Great Power in the world. According to statistics, China's economic level ranked after the US, Britain, and France, making it the world's fourth-largest economy. And given China's speed of economic development, it was possible to slightly surpass Britain and France in the data within two or three years, becoming the world's second-largest economy after the United States. The current Germany could not afford to offend China.

After Ye Lin finished speaking, Heydrich finally spoke. "Madame Minister, I can understand your confusion. Personally, I appreciate the philosophy of Taoism and consider it a very friendly religion. However, Germany is currently managing all organizations that conduct secret rituals. I hope you can understand that this is not a malicious act, but an order that has to be executed to free the German people from suffering."

Hearing Heydrich express that religion brings real suffering to the people, Ye Lin actually agreed considerably. Religion is a spiritual narcotic; this was the Civilization Party's general view on religion. Although China was not a religious state, religious activities had a long history. Praying to gods and Buddhas for thousands of years had never resulted in gods or Buddhas actually descending. Ye Lin herself did not believe in religion.

But Ye Lin was not here to discuss religion with Heydrich at this moment, but to communicate on behalf of a religious organization, Taoism. Just as Ye Lin wanted to bring up the law for discussion, Heydrich continued in a steady tone, "Madame Minister, if you wish to talk from a legal or other perspective, I can only ask you to find the relevant departments. If you wish to obtain some clear and effective conclusions, I am willing to chat a few words with you."

Ye Lin pondered for a moment and finally accepted Heydrich's suggestion. "As the Chinese saying goes, this is called 'opening the skylight to speak clearly.' Please communicate with me frankly."

"Religion is a commercial organization; religious activity is a type of commercial activity. The current Germany needs to devote all resources to developing the economy, so religious activities are harmful to the current Germany. Of course, after Germany is liberated from the Versailles system and the people regain their wealth, I believe religious activities will resume. I hope that day comes soon. But in the Germany of today, there is no space to allow religious activities. Therefore, even if I appreciate Taoism's philosophy, I must terminate Taoism's activities. I hope you can understand."

Heydrich spoke at a moderate pace, his expression even more calm, but Ye Lin did not develop any intention to bargain because of it. Talking to this extent with a person like Heydrich was enough. In Heydrich, Ye Lin felt a kind of oppressive force; it was a firm attitude born of personal ability and confidence. Heydrich would absolutely not make concessions.

Even if she had her own thoughts, Ye Lin did not answer. As the Republic of China's Minister to Germany, every word Ye Lin spoke represented the official stance. China's official stance could absolutely not be to agree with Germany terminating Taoism's activities in Germany. Ye Lin stood up and bid farewell to Heydrich. "Thank you for your explanation."

Heydrich walked Ye Lin to the door and stopped, watching her walk down the long, dim corridor. Watching Ye Lin's unhurried pace, Heydrich felt some appreciation for her. Such a deep, long corridor could easily induce fear and unease; without company, even a man would feel somewhat unsettled. Ye Lin's pace and posture were very calm and composed. Aside from anything else, that courage alone was extraordinary.

At this moment, Ye Lin was also evaluating Heydrich in her heart. Although the conversation time was short, this high-ranking young Nazi struck Ye Lin as very unusual. Even if this person hadn't joined the Nazis, he would be an outstanding talent. In an organization as radical and young as the Nazi Party, he would become an even more key figure. If other Nazis were mostly about radicalism, this young man displayed style. To be able to understand the essence of religion and, starting from that essence, define the relationship between religious activities and the German economy—this was definitely not something an ordinary person could do.

This brief meeting left a deep impression on Ye Lin. On her way back, she began considering how to write a report to add to Heydrich's file. If a file on Heydrich hadn't been established yet, then one must be created immediately.

***

In China, Ribbentrop was waiting somewhat uneasily to meet He Rui. He Rui had already finished reading Ribbentrop's file. This guy's file was not spectacular; he could only be considered a fellow hovering on the fringes of the upper class. Moreover, after 1941, the Nazis completely lacked any diplomacy to speak of, which meant Ribbentrop's time of activity would be between 1933 and 1941.

Of course, current history was already completely different from the history of the original timeline. But He Rui did not view problems from the perspective of a so-called leader of world change, but analyzed them from a simpler, colder economic perspective. No matter what changes occurred in the Nazi Party's core figures, the German economy could not experience changes that exceeded physical laws.

Germany's economic ceiling and development space were limited. In a sense, He Rui even appreciated the Little Mustache's determination; at least the Little Mustache was a leader with a fairly serious economic philosophy. China could invest massive resources in every field for research and development because China had a massive population and a vast market. The content involved in the full range of industrial categories in 1933 was far inferior to the level of 2033. The China of 2033 was not only the only country in the world possessing all industrial categories, but also possessed world-leading levels in most of them. In 1933, China was even more capable of comprehensive development. But the Germany ruled by the Little Mustache did not have such resources; the Little Mustache could only choose a few fields for investment.

From the beginning, aiming explicitly for starting a war was the Little Mustache's only choice. If the Little Mustache had followed the thinking of an economist like Dr. Schacht and "stopped while he was ahead" after over-issuing so many Mefo bills, the German economy would truly have collapsed in minutes. Although He Rui did not agree with the Little Mustache's line, he considered the Little Mustache a leader with a very serious line of economic thought.

Having made his preparations, He Rui asked his secretary to invite Ribbentrop in. Soon, a man with a capable appearance appeared at the door of He Rui's office, following behind the secretary.

Seeing He Rui from a distance, Ribbentrop felt that He Rui possessed the unique temperament of a commander who had directed armies of millions. Although it was hard to describe the characteristics of such people, Ribbentrop had at least been in contact with the upper class—Hindenburg, Ludendorff, and those German high-ranking officers who were illustrious in the Great War. Regardless of their personal quirks, that confidence, and that pressure naturally born from bearing the weight of millions of lives, was present in He Rui in full measure. Moreover, He Rui was only forty-three years old; his gestures carried a sharp spirit (*rui qi*). In the aging famous generals of the Great War like Hindenburg, this sharp spirit had already faded too much.

Having this feeling, Ribbentrop naturally developed a respect for He Rui. Walking in front of He Rui, Ribbentrop felt that internal sharpness even more. Ribbentrop thought of Hitler; Hitler also had such sharpness. Especially when discussing affairs of state, Hitler seemed to shine in Ribbentrop's eyes.

After the two began talking, Ribbentrop chose to listen, but He Rui did not say much. Forced to proceed, Ribbentrop could only actively recount the purpose of his trip. "My government feels very regretful regarding the misunderstanding between China and Germany. Germany has always pursued advancement; the so-called racist tendencies are completely a misunderstanding..."

He Rui didn't believe a word of Ribbentrop's flowery speech. There was no misunderstanding between China and Germany; He Rui had a relatively good understanding of the Nazis. Of course, He Rui also didn't think Germany's crimes were entirely Nazi decisions. Nazi racism wasn't particularly outstanding in Europe and America; at most, it was an up-and-coming level. As for the slaughter of Jews, most of the sins were committed by local Europeans. The Nazis weren't even paramount in this regard. And judging by the performance of the state of Israel, the Israelis were no less brutal than the Nazis.

Listening quietly to Ribbentrop's narrative, He Rui looked at the hourglass on his desk. The fine blue sand was flowing down ceaselessly. He Rui prepared to end the topic in a few minutes.

Perhaps noticing He Rui's gaze, Ribbentrop's eyes swept over the hourglass. He stopped his explanation and asked straightforwardly, "I wonder if Chairman He considers the Versailles system a system worth maintaining?"

When describing World War II, Chinese history textbooks had a perspective He Rui felt was inappropriate. When describing Germany starting the war, they tended to imply the Little Mustache achieved his goals through deception. He Rui had analyzed the materials he had read and could roughly determine that the Little Mustache never hid his views.

Just as Germany's attacks on the Versailles system were public, both the Little Mustache and the Weimar government had repeatedly expressed their desire to overthrow the Versailles system. This opposition wasn't just private talk, but openly articulated in various public settings and international conferences. Because the British rejected the Little Mustache's demands, the Little Mustache had given British diplomatic personnel quite a few distinct looks.

Since Ribbentrop asked straight to the point, He Rui also answered straightforwardly, "What China pursues is the liberation of colonized peoples. As for the Versailles system, China is at least not a total victim."

Ribbentrop immediately followed up, "Chairman He, Germany is willing to launch comprehensive cooperation with China. Please believe us, whatever France has, Germany can also provide."

To He Rui's ears, this was nonsense. The most important thing in industrialization is technological accumulation and iteration. No matter what, France had been iterating and developing technology ceaselessly from 1919 to the present. Germany had been in various states of chaos from 1919 to now, and its speed of technological iteration was vastly lower than France's.

As for France being easily pushed over by Germany in the Battle of France, it wasn't because France's industrial level was poor, but because France's military concepts and military industry lagged too far behind Germany's. When commenting on the history of World War II, there is a saying: if the Little Mustache had the industrial strength of the German Second Reich in his hands, he might actually have won. Therefore, He Rui did not believe Ribbentrop's description of the prospects for Sino-German cooperation.

Ribbentrop keenly sensed some of He Rui's emotions. He hurriedly added, "I wonder if the Chinese side has any requirements?"

He Rui didn't bother discussing vague cooperation intentions. "Mr. Ribbentrop, China needs some technical personnel. I would like you to look at a list."

The secretary presented a list. He Rui thought it was possible the Nazi government would arrest people according to this list. But this had limited significance for China. With this group of people, China could indeed gain many benefits. If these people were imprisoned in concentration camps by the Nazis for a long time, or even killed, it might not necessarily be a bad thing for China. Although China wouldn't get these people, the United States wouldn't get them either.

Since the United States was China's biggest future competitor, the weakening of the United States meant China had actually gained an advantage. For example, if Oppenheimer didn't go to the United States, the progress of US nuclear weapons development would inevitably be affected.

He Rui waited for Ribbentrop's answer. These people were the meeting gift He Rui hoped for.