The French parliamentary delegation had concluded its two-week visit and was preparing to leave the Republic of Korea. At Busan Port, the French delegation, representing a parliamentary system, shook hands warmly with the representatives of the Korean National Assembly, representing a presidential system. Vice Speaker Malon, whose "Mediterranean" hairstyle was now fully on display, shook hands cordially with the thick-haired Speaker of the Korean National Assembly, Park Yeong-hyo.

Park Yeong-hyo spoke with emotion: "France is a great world power, and we look forward to France exerting significant influence in the development of East Asia."

Vice Speaker Malon felt that while Park Yeong-hyo's remarks seemed enthusiastic, he should respond with considerable caution. After all, Malon had nearly caused a diplomatic incident when facing He Rui earlier; at this moment, he sought not to achieve merit, but merely to avoid error. The two sides waved goodbye, and it was only after the French delegation had boarded their cruise ship that Vice Speaker Malon's mood improved.

On the ship, Vice Speaker Malon finally began to discuss the "Korea Model" with the French MPs. Korea had adopted a presidential system, in which the president held real power, could form a cabinet, and could make various personnel appointments without the need for parliamentary approval. As a country within the Chinese cultural sphere, Korea had a long tradition of centralization. The presidential system created under such institutions truly placed great power in the hands of the leader.

Smoothing over the sparse remains of his hair, Vice Speaker Malon asked his parliamentary colleagues, "Gentlemen, do you feel that the Korean National Assembly is perhaps a bit too enthusiastic towards external forces?"

Under a parliamentary system, to become a minister or even the President of the Council of Ministers, one had to first be a member of parliament. Although there were disparities in influence among MPs, there was no difference in rank. Therefore, the MPs did not consider themselves Malon's subordinates, and someone immediately replied, "Could it be that they are eager to prove to the outside world that the Korea Model is successful? After all, this is Chairman He Rui's expectation."

"This Park Yeong-hyo is a pro-Japanese figure. Is he doing this because he wants to be less controlled by China?"

"Park Yeong-hyo wanting to counter China? Isn't that view a bit unserious?"

The MPs debated spiritedly, but since French influence in Korea was extremely low, their enthusiastic discussion remained just that—discussion. After listening to the views of other MPs for a while, Vice Speaker Malon also felt he might be overthinking it. Korea had always been a vassal state of China. Even after being controlled by Japan for over thirty years, it had now effectively become a vassal of China once again.

External forces had never been able to truly penetrate the Korean Peninsula. Perhaps for this reason, Park Yeong-hyo could afford to be so open. Perhaps Park simply did not believe that France would actually consider infiltrating its influence into Korea.

With this judgment formed, Vice Speaker Malon changed the subject. "Gentlemen, do you believe that Korea can become a stable country?"

"We all know that a great many problems arise during the process of land redistribution. Korea has now completed its land redemption. According to the situation we understand, there is universal praise within Korea for the land reform. They believe Chairman He Rui has accomplished in Korea what even Mencius could not. Although I cannot understand why the Koreans put it that way, Korean society has restored order with astonishing speed amidst such drastic changes. Such a country should be quite stable."

The French MPs generally agreed with this view. After all, France had implemented similar land reform policies during the Great Revolution era. As a "veteran revolutionary region" of Europe, France was very familiar with these policies.

Mentioning He Rui, the left-wing MPs in the delegation were somewhat emotional. One spoke up loudly: "Mr. He Rui is a recognized economist. Although his explanation of land reform inevitably has a communist flavor, it falls within an acceptable range. By treating land redistribution as 'bankruptcy reorganization,' the policy's impact on the nation becomes very small."

None of the centrist or right-wing French MPs responded to this. The eyes of the right-wing MPs even showed resistance. The establishment of the Soviet Union and its policy of total land nationalization had caused great shock in Europe. The United States had vast land and a sparse population, so land issues were not prominent there. But in Europe, with its dense population, the land issue had always been a prominent social problem.

China had also carried out land reform after its unification, which should have been a major shock to Europe. However, China not only proposed the interpretation of "bankruptcy reorganization" for land redemption but also produced several very weighty, high-quality reports and numerous papers, triggering an even greater shock in Europe than previously imagined.

Originally, European academia had an instinctive objection to the Soviet Union's violent confiscation of land; the staunch supporters of Soviet land reform were political figures. Now, however, a group of scholars in European economics had expressed "understanding," and even support, for the economic policy of asset reorganization of land assets through redemption. The influence of this was profound.

Politicians will adopt policies favorable to the bourgeoisie when government interests align with bourgeois interests, and will help the bourgeoisie when bourgeois and proletarian interests conflict. But when government interests conflict with bourgeois interests, politicians will certainly choose policies favorable to themselves.

Academics acting as government think tanks believed that land redemption was beneficial to the national economy in certain economic situations. This meant that academia had opened a door—land redemption had become an option. Since He Rui consistently insisted he was a communist, it meant that communist economic policies and theories had gained a certain recognition in Europe. At the very least, French politicians were unwilling to discuss this issue.

Seeing the rightists and centrists remaining silent, the French left-wing MPs felt displeased and immediately continued: "French industry is developing rapidly now, and although the number of French farmers forced to sell their land has decreased significantly in the past two years, this trend has not been stopped. It is time to consider the peasant issue!"

Vice Speaker Malon rubbed the shiny, bald part of his head again and sighed inwardly. This was the status quo in France: the Left, Center, and Right each had their own flagship issues. For example, the French Right advocated increasing tariffs and strengthening relations with China to ensure the interests of French industry. While making these their main focus, the French Right did not publicize their actual agreement when the Chinese government proposed expanding exports to France.

In terms of supporting the interests of French industry, the Left and Right were in agreement. But regarding elections, the Left campaigned on ensuring a minimum wage system and ensuring French companies paid sufficient overtime. They wanted to expand the number of employed people in France and extend the coverage of the French social security system.

Due to this policy direction, the French Left was not so supportive of expanding the quota for Chinese imports, because the light industry sector could absorb a very large number of employed people. But even a small fly is meat; opening more factories in France and creating more jobs would make the French economy active and increase tax revenue. That was naturally good for France.

French left-wing politicians could certainly understand that China needed to export more goods to France to repay its loans. But France had finally achieved a situation of full employment. With the "big government" model the Left preferred, they still hoped to eliminate unemployment and increase national income. They wanted China to earn enough profit to repay the French loans, but only within a scope that did not impact France.

In the end, it was all about votes. Vice Speaker Malon was very clear on this and couldn't be bothered to express his own views. With the French economy highly active now, whatever France did was merely a trade-off between good and better. Politicians didn't need to make special promises; as long as the economy maintained its current situation and confidence in the French economy wasn't destroyed, the lives of the French people would improve day by day.

During the month-long return journey, the French parliamentary delegation engaged in discussions on the cruise ship that seemed intense but were not actually sharp. Most of the time was actually spent on idle chatter and private interest-brokering among themselves. After all, this time, various heavy-weight French politicians had indicated they wanted to run for the post of Prime Minister of France (President of the Council of Ministers). Every MP had to engage in sufficient brokering to obtain the maximum benefit.

By the time Vice Speaker Malon returned to France, it was already early September 1930. He immediately threw himself into the fierce election campaign. Originally, MP Malon felt he might have to bear considerable pressure over the Indochina issue, but upon returning to France, he discovered that the discussions of the first month or so had caused French nationalist sentiment to rise rapidly. Major French political parties, as well as the press and academia, all considered this a thorny issue.

If only one political party viewed it this way, that party would become a target of public criticism. But once a consensus formed in French politics, the topic disappeared from French mainstream media within half a month. Although British newspapers were still mentioning the matter, French newspapers merely counterattacked with the excuse that "this is all a British conspiracy," immediately convincing ordinary French citizens that the Indochina issue was not an issue at all.

And Vice Speaker Malon's luck was truly good. In mid-September, French Foreign Minister Aristide Briand, who had played a major role in Sino-French economic cooperation, died of a sudden illness because his body could not withstand the grueling election schedule while campaigning while ill. This triggered a violent tremor in French politics.

Even at the height of the campaign, the funeral of "former" Foreign Minister Briand was extremely solemn. Vice Speaker Malon, dressed in black, walked into the hall where Briand's coffin was temporarily placed with a serious expression. He saw that the hall was full of ordinary people; even the Archbishop of Paris had come in a personal capacity to bid farewell.

This was not strange. Briand was an ascetic who had remained unmarried all his life, and he was also an atheist. In the era of the Great Revolution, the "veteran revolutionary region" of France had waged a fierce struggle against religion. With the development of science and culture, the proportion of atheism or materialist concepts in the French upper class and academia was not small.

MP Malon happened to be seated next to the Archbishop of Paris. Malon saw that the Archbishop looked composed, not at all uncomfortable about attending the funeral of an atheist. So he said to the Archbishop, "Mr. Briand was a good man."

This remark was not entirely out of flattery. This year was 1930. In the first half of the year, the French press had jointly organized a "French Politicians of the 1920s" selection event. Ranked first was President Gaston Doumergue, and ranked fourth was Briand. Those from first to sixth place were all closely related to Sino-French economic cooperation.

The Archbishop of Paris nodded. "Indeed, Mr. Briand was a very respectable politician. I feel great regret over his death."

Seeing the Archbishop make no mention of religious beliefs, MP Malon felt that the Archbishop was indeed a shrewd man. When the French economy was bad, religion developed greatly. When people had no money and faced the threat of unemployment, religion had a traditional advantage in charity and handing out porridge, so more people went to church.

Now that the economy had improved, especially in this state of full employment, everyone from the poor to the rich was working hard to make money. Especially the poor—they discovered they actually had the power to choose, so they focused their energy on obtaining a better life. The number of people attending church services plummeted. Among all church services, only weddings showed rapid growth. Other businesses were very depressed. The Archbishop of Paris coming to attend the funeral of the atheist Briand was to show the presence of religion.

The ceremony was solemn and simple. Politicians were in a hurry; at this stage of the election, who had time to waste attending someone else's funeral? However, many politicians just sat in their chairs waiting. It wasn't until a slight commotion came from outside that the politicians turned their heads.

As Briand was the French Foreign Minister and had such high prestige, the French government had sent an honor guard to keep vigil. Aside from people of status, even among reporters, only those from major newspapers were allowed in; others could not enter. Following the sound of the commotion, a handsome young Chinese man walked in, accompanied by a secretary. It was the Chinese Ambassador to France.

The French politicians rose one after another, shaking hands with the Chinese Ambassador to France with serious expressions. Malon felt some regret; if Briand hadn't been an atheist, they could have proceeded with a traditional religious funeral mode. France was well-versed in this, with preparations ready for how to arrange a large number of guests. In that case, the Chinese Ambassador to France would have had ample time to converse with the French politicians.

But Briand had long made a will for a simple funeral. No red tape. This meant everyone could only simply shake hands and exchange a sentence or two. However, having the chance to exchange a sentence or two with the Chinese Ambassador to France was already not easy. The Chinese Ambassador completed the flower-laying ceremony, then, in accordance with Briand's testamentary arrangements, simply shook hands with Briand's family and offered brief condolences before leaving the mourning hall.

Soon, it was MP Malon's turn to present flowers. He walked to the coffin, shook hands with Briand's family, picked up a white rose from the basket nearby, and walked to the side of the coffin. Looking in through the half-open lid, he saw Briand lying quietly inside, as if asleep.

MP Malon was somewhat happy about this, because Foreign Minister Briand had been a critic of Vice Speaker Malon; he believed Malon had made mistakes in diplomacy. Now that Briand had passed away, the critic had vanished, and the trouble had vanished too.

After presenting the flower, MP Malon shook hands and embraced Briand's family again, then left the mourning hall with a serious expression but a relaxed heart. As soon as he walked out, he saw a car parked outside. The moment the reporters saw that the person arriving was the current Prime Minister, Raymond Poincaré, they immediately surrounded him.

Raymond Poincaré said to the reporters: "Minister Briand was a friend I cooperated with for many years, and I respected him very much. Sino-French cooperation began during my term. Minister Briand worked hard to complete the tasks given to him by the cabinet. In this regard, the two of us have too many memories of working together. Now that Minister Briand has passed away, I will certainly strive to serve Sino-French cooperation and fully revitalize the French economy."

MP Malon truly admired the thickness of Prime Minister Raymond Poincaré's skin. In the selection of famous French politicians of the 1920s, he ranked second. If He Rui hadn't gone directly to French President Doumergue to discuss cooperation, but had contacted Raymond Poincaré directly instead, it would probably be Prime Minister Raymond Poincaré ranking as the number one French politician of the last 20 years.

Although the French public felt Raymond Poincaré was very capable, most within French political circles believed he probably couldn't compare to French President Doumergue. He Rui was considered by the French political world to be a world-class leader with far-reaching vision. His seeking cooperation with President Doumergue made Sino-French cooperation a great success. In hindsight evaluations, French political circles all believed that it was Doumergue's softer style and keen vision that led him to fully promote Sino-French cooperation.

In Raymond Poincaré's political career, one of his most famous experiences was pushing for a hard line against Germany and sending troops to the Ruhr, which forced Germany into hyperinflation. Faced with the economic cooperation actively proposed by China, Raymond Poincaré might not have opposed it, but there was a high probability he would have raised various conditions. Judging by the current results, that would have delayed Sino-French cooperation by at least half a year. And half a year would have let France earn much less money. This was substantive damage to French interests.

So MP Malon didn't listen much more and chose to leave. Along the way, Malon felt both emotion and lingering fear. Suppressing the Indochina issue did not mean France had no unease about China. For France, the Indochina issue could be resolved through discussion with China, but the "Korea Model" proposed by China caused a shock to the Versailles System, which was the foundation of the British and French colonial empires.

This matter could be left unmentioned for now, but it was something that would have to be discussed in the future. MP Malon calculated in his heart that he would absolutely not participate in such discussions in the future. France today really did not have the power to give orders to China, and both Britain and the United States were eager to try and sabotage Sino-French cooperation.

If the French economy suddenly plummeted, the cabinet's approval rating would plummet. President Doumergue had already promised MP Malon a ministerial position. MP Malon didn't want to be kicked out of the minister's seat because the cabinet fell before he had even warmed the seat. As for Indochina, in MP Malon's view, it wasn't something that couldn't be given up.