February 14, Valentine's Day in the West. The members of the Military Commission knew there was such a Western holiday, but they didn't give it a thought at all. From 1915 to the present, 12 years had passed; everyone was either fighting a war or preparing for one.

Now that peace had finally arrived, the work had not decreased but instead increased. The Great Demobilization was a process never experienced before by any of these high-ranking military officers who had fought in hundreds of battles. And the ordinary officers and soldiers who had experienced long wars were all eager to return to ordinary life.

From the beginning of the meeting, the report for the first hour was made by Chief of General Staff Cheng Ruofan. 1 million troops responsible for the low-intensity civil war of the domestic land revolution, 1 million troops in the Northeast and Northwest, 1 million troops in Liangguang (Guangdong and Guangxi) and Fujian, 1 million troops in the Yunnan-Guizhou region. Plus technical branches such as railway corps and transport troops totaling about 800,000, adding garrison troops and other units, the National Defense Force's current strength reached the staggering figure of 5.4 million.

Under the Great Demobilization, the number of Chinese troops would be reduced to a standing army of 1.56 million. At the same time, the framework of the 5.4 million troops must be preserved. Most of the aspects involved here were to be the responsibility of the General Staff.

When Cheng Ruofan was making the report, the emotions of the Military Commission members were not agitated. Besides He Rui, there were Xu Chengfeng, Cheng Ruofan, Zhong Yifu, Hu Xiushan, and Zheng Silang. The initial units of the National Defense Force were all led by these five people. Although everyone didn't think they had any factionalism, in front of He Rui, no one dared to have the slightest implication of it. But reality wasn't that simple; deciding which units to cut was a very troublesome matter.

He Rui had long prepared for this. "I think Comrade Zhou Yinshan can be responsible for this matter."

As soon as this was said, Xu Chengfeng, Cheng Ruofan, and the others were stunned for a moment, but none opposed it. Zhou Yinshan was the instructor of Xu Chengfeng and Cheng Ruofan at the Baoding Military Academy, and later went to the Northeast Army to serve as the President of the Northeast Army Academy. Whether it was Zhou Yinshan's character or seniority, everyone had nothing to pick on. Especially this status of instructor made this group of young high-ranking officers unable to raise a fuss.

Zhou Yinshan hadn't expected to shoulder such a heavy responsibility, and his gaze towards He Rui was full of hesitation. He heard He Rui continue, "The future form of war will be a wide-front, deep-depth, air-land integrated war. The Siliguri Corridor Campaign has proven the power of this tactic. The unit organization suitable for this form of war, compared with the current organization, will be Corps, Brigade, and Battalion. So I think, since all units were originally battalion-level organizations, when reducing the army, we can adopt the following principle: any Regiment, Battalion, Company, or Platoon with an honorary title should be preserved upwards to the division-level organization. What does everyone think?"

For a moment, the Military Commission members were a bit confused. Who to retain exactly? He Rui's suggestion needed some time to understand. However, the future form of war proposed by He Rui had already attracted the full attention of the Military Commission members, so much so that everyone's minds were a bit cluttered.

He Rui continued, "The Navy and Air Force will be fully retained. The 1.56 million standing army refers to the current number of troops. In the future, the number of our Air Force and Navy will increase. With the development of the Navy and Air Force, the total number of our army will reach 2 million in the future."

Cheng Ruofan was the earliest to switch his train of thought. He asked joyfully, "Chairman, are you saying we should organize the current troops based on the future form of war now?"

He Rui nodded. The so-called future war would break out in 1939 at the latest, only 12 years from now. Time was tight and the task heavy; there was no time for the troops to undergo a long transition.

Hearing that they had to prepare for the next war now, Xu Chengfeng and the others were all delighted. Xu Chengfeng realized he was genuinely feeling happy and couldn't help but feel some regret for his incurable soldier's character.

"Chairman, with our naval development plan, can we meet our needs before the war?" General Hu Xiushan, Minister of the General Logistics Department, asked unhurriedly.

The General Logistics Department was responsible for equipment in the army, and Hu Xiushan was a person who did things extremely meticulously. Hearing Hu Xiushan ask this, the eyes of the others in the Military Commission fell on He Rui.

He Rui nodded. "I have my own arrangements."

The comrades knew He Rui rarely used such vague expressions, but once He Rui spoke like this, it must be that he really had arrangements, not that he had to perfunctorily answer for the moment because he couldn't solve the problem.

The meeting lasted for more than three hours. Under the high-density information communication, the Military Commission members felt exhausted. A few sentences in this venue could often be written into a report of tens of thousands of words. One opinion might affect the whereabouts of tens of thousands or even hundreds of thousands of officers and soldiers, as well as billions of military expenditures.

So when tired, the Military Commission comrades agreed to adjourn temporarily. When the others walked out of the conference room to relax, Hu Xiushan didn't leave. He sat next to He Rui and asked seriously, "Chairman, do you want to use the Japanese Navy?"

He Rui was actually somewhat surprised by Hu Xiushan's conclusion. In terms of quick wit and intuition, the meticulous Hu Xiushan couldn't compare to Cheng Ruofan. So what Hu Xiushan said must have gone through his very serious deduction and thinking. The view Hu Xiushan proposed this time was indeed He Rui's plan.

But this plan couldn't be treated as a strategic consideration. Even if He Rui had invested long-term preparation in this, it couldn't be spoken of publicly before the matter was finally achieved. Looking at Hu Xiushan's steady expression, He Rui had to think about how to answer.

After considering for a minute, He Rui answered, "If my expectations for the Japanese revolution do not become reality, or if something goes wrong, I also have another plan. The transformation of modern warfare is not only about the Army and Air Force; the Navy is the same. Aircraft carriers capable of projecting more firepower over long distances will become the core of the next war. The era of battleships has ended. Even if we rely on our own development, we can complete the military technology and military equipment needed for the next war before it starts."

Hu Xiushan's gaze became enthusiastic. If the Japanese revolution succeeded, Hu Xiushan would think it was very good. If, after the Japanese revolution succeeded, China could utilize the construction results of the Japanese Navy over decades, Hu Xiushan would think it was even better.

Even if these were not achieved, Hu Xiushan felt it didn't matter. He focused on the technological progress of war itself. In this Sino-British War, the Republic's National Defense Force fought against the powerful Britain, proving that the military reforms He Rui began to implement 12 years ago were completely correct.

In the Siliguri Corridor Campaign, the scale of concentrated tank use wasn't large. Even with just this one time, Hu Xiushan saw a broader future from it, which was the next generation of war described by He Rui. Tanks combining armor and artillery possessed both mobility and firepower. The use of a large number of tanks indeed put huge pressure on logistics, but an army composed of tanks and armored vehicles would raise the intensity and severity of war to an unprecedented level. Combined with various communication systems under development and the air-land integrated war concept, under the future war mode, even if the currently powerful British army wanted to resist, it would be like a mantis trying to stop a chariot.

Hu Xiushan asked directly, "Chairman, then what form will the military revolution after the next one take?"

He Rui was stunned, feeling both joy and relief in his heart. He was glad for Hu Xiushan's meticulous and studious character; if it were anyone else, they would inevitably have expectations for the Japanese revolution. Hu Xiushan, even if he thought of it, wouldn't focus on it. And Hu Xiushan's studious personality was greatly beneficial for promoting military development. This made He Rui very happy.

Since this was the case, He Rui explained, "The military revolution after the next one will be based on the development of logic circuits. Current command systems and combat weapons rely on a number of technical troops for operation. But in the military revolution after the next, soldiers who just carry a rifle, know how to shoot, and know how to obey simple military orders will likely be eliminated. Soldiers in the military revolution after the next will be operators of a large amount of equipment. Various transport equipment provided based on the next military revolution will be the carriers of new equipment in the military revolution after the next. New equipment will provide computing power 1 million times, 10 million times, or even hundreds of millions of times that of current command and operating systems. Besides computing power, war will go beyond visual range, unfolding within distances of tens, hundreds, or thousands of kilometers. Moreover, there will be global monitoring equipment providing global surveillance."

Hu Xiushan listened as if intoxicated. He felt he could understand what He Rui was describing, but the specific content was vague. When He Rui finished his brief description, Hu Xiushan asked, "Chairman, is there any quantified reference object to let me imagine it?"

"In the war after the next, the firepower a single warship can project will equal the sum of the firepower projection of a whole fleet in the next war. In army operations, a corps will be able to carry out precision strikes within a 1000-kilometer range centered on its own troops. A 155mm self-propelled howitzer can accurately shoot at an enemy artillery piece within 50 kilometers, and..."

Hu Xiushan still couldn't imagine what war would look like after the military revolution after the next. But Hu Xiushan could already imagine the intensity of such a war. Command power, firepower, precision—completely beyond the limits of imagination of current soldiers.

Standing up, Hu Xiushan said gratefully to He Rui, "Chairman, I understand. Then I have no more questions."

Watching Hu Xiushan's retreating figure, He Rui only hoped his description could help Hu Xiushan. However, on the basis of having absolutely no prototype equipment, He Rui dared not speculate whether Hu Xiushan could truly understand.

Moreover, what He Rui hoped for most at this time was the success of the Japanese revolution. As early as 1913, in the future plan made by He Rui, promoting the success of the Japanese revolution and establishing a joint Sino-Japanese naval force became one of the many optimal options for winning the next global war of liberation.

If China only wanted to dominate the Pacific and Indian Oceans, Japan would not be an object China must unite with. But even if China dominated the Pacific and Indian Oceans, so what?

The strength of the United States was because excellent American strategists like Roosevelt constructed a new world order and, through decades of effort, built a new global order led by the United States.

And the new order China wanted to build must be a new global order, and could only be a new global order. And the height accumulated by Chinese civilization over thousands of years, combined with the basic theory of industrialized communism, was undoubtedly the civilization most suitable for a global order on Earth right now.

If it is a global order, East Asia and China's traditional sphere of influence must be the core region. That is to say, Japan, Burma, and Vietnam should be regarded as half-native soil of China.

Even in the 21st century, Puerto Rico belongs to the United States, and residents of Puerto Rico are also US citizens. But Puerto Rican citizens do not have the right to directly participate in the US presidential election and can only elect a Resident Commissioner to the US House of Representatives without voting rights.

Although the strength of the United States in the 21st century is not affected by Puerto Rico, the fact that the civilization level of the United States treats Puerto Rico this way can also serve as evidence of the United States' ultimate failure in the civilization competition with China.

He Rui was not hostile to the Japanese people, nor did he truly like the Japanese people. Quoting a European saying, 'Loving the Tatars far away whom one has never met, instead of loving the neighbors beside one,' He Rui never had such a complex or sentiment.

For China to lead the world order, it must first build good relations between China and neighboring countries. Since the Japanese archipelago cannot be moved away from China's side, China must let Japan have a bright future. This is determined by geopolitics and has nothing to do with He Rui's personal thoughts.

Therefore, the first step for Japan's bright future is to complete the revolution. In He Rui's original timeline, when MacArthur ruled Japan, he only completed land reform in Japan to a certain extent, which made the Japanese people love the Supreme Commander MacArthur from the bottom of their hearts. He Rui didn't believe that the revolution launched by Ishiwara, Taira Toyomori, and others whom he had worked hard to cultivate couldn't get the support of the Japanese people.

Now, He Rui had spent 12 years completing the first stage of the Chinese revolution and also completing the external conditions for the Japanese revolution. Whether Ishiwara and Taira Toyomori could successfully launch and complete the revolution within Japan, He Rui could only look forward to it and offer his blessings.

On February 22, the Chinese government officially announced the Great Demobilization Plan. The next day, February 23, the French government expressed appreciation for the Chinese government's Great Demobilization Plan. *Le Figaro* introduced the matter on its front page and wrote in a news commentary, 'The Chinese government's disarmament plan is undoubtedly beneficial to world peace. Although the absolute figure of a 1.56 million standing army will indeed frighten European countries, considering China's territory of nearly 12 million square kilometers, maintaining a standing army of 1.56 million is not so appalling.

Considering China's neighboring countries, the Soviet Red Army numbers around 2 million, the Japanese Army maintains 290,000, plus hundreds of thousands of British Indian troops eyeing covetously, a standing army of 1.56 million is a reasonable figure.

However, our newspaper will continue to pay attention to China's disarmament situation. We look forward to the Chinese government being able to reduce the current army of 5.4 million to a reasonable scale of 1.56 million according to their set timetable as they stated...'

British newspapers also paid attention to this matter, but they inevitably spoke in a weird manner, stating that the majority of the Chinese army's forces should be placed in the Northeast and Northwest to deal with the pressure from the Soviet Union.

On February 24, Soviet Ambassador to China Molotov walked into He Rui's reception room at the agreed time. As soon as the inner door opened, He Rui walked out. Molotov stepped forward to shake hands with He Rui and immediately said, "Chairman He, the article published in *Komsomolskaya Pravda* is the personal view of Dimitrov of the Comintern and does not represent the attitude of the CPSU Central Committee."

He Rui looked at Molotov's serious attitude and nodded to indicate he accepted Molotov's explanation.

Just recently, China officially announced the establishment of the Governor-Generalship of Upper Burma, which meant China officially restored its suzerainty and ownership over the Upper Burma region.

Dimitrov, one of the main leaders of the Comintern, wrote an article for *Komsomolskaya Pravda*, '...The moment China's Governor-Generalship of Upper Burma was established, the nature of the Sino-British War became completely clear. Initially, this war might have had a flavor of colonial people gaining independence and liberation. Now, the Chinese government has finally torn off their mask, revealing the true face of imperialism.

In the just-ended scramble for colonies, Chinese and British armies deployed aircraft, tanks, and various most advanced war technologies. The intensity and severity of the war greatly exceeded the Great War in Europe that ended in 1919. Even in peacetime, imperialist countries, in order to slaughter more effectively in the next imperialist war, are constantly improving war science and technology.

This is a wake-up call for communists; we must see the essence of imperialism...'

He Rui didn't care what the Comintern said; this belonged to their freedom of speech. As for the Soviet government allowing the Comintern to publish an article by one of its leaders, Dimitrov, in *Komsomolskaya Pravda*, He Rui didn't care either.

But Molotov explaining in person meant He Rui believed the Soviet Red Army had keenly noted the tank assault in the Siliguri Corridor Campaign. Since the appearance of tanks, the Great Powers had not ignored this new weapon. Since the end of WWI, even Germany, whose army quantity was restricted, was researching tanks as a weapon, as well as researching how to fight the next war.

At this time, He Rui and Molotov had taken their seats. Molotov first talked about the recent joint action on the demilitarization of the Sino-Soviet border. A rough figure had been set for the demilitarization of the Sino-Soviet border from the very beginning. The Chinese side was willing to demilitarize within 200 kilometers of the border, while the Soviet side could only maintain 100 kilometers.

This unequal situation was really not the result of the Soviet side's tough attitude, but was determined by the Soviet Union's geographical environment; they could at most retreat to a range of 100 kilometers relying on the Trans-Siberian Railway. Retracting further would mean the Soviet army retreating onto the ice sheets. The Soviet Union certainly was happy to see such a situation, so they conceded a portion of territory in the border demarcation. To solve the problem of China entering the Sea of Japan, the Soviet Union specifically ceded a portion of the Tumen River estuary territory, allowing China to freely enter and exit the Tumen River.

The Chinese side expressed understanding. Now that the Sino-British War had ended, China was to complete the original plan of not stationing troops within 200 kilometers of the border in 1927. This kind of issue concerning the national defense security of both sides could not rely solely on words; China and the Soviet Union established a joint working group to regularly inspect each other's military camps.

Molotov's visit to He Rui this time was to pass on Comrade Stalin's handwritten letter to He Rui. After handing the letter to He Rui, Molotov recounted to He Rui the Soviet Politburo's high evaluation of the demilitarization of the Sino-Soviet border.

He Rui listened quietly and then said, "We hope the Sino-Soviet border can forever become a demilitarized zone. Although the peaceful relationship between China and the Soviet Union is not directed against any third party, the fact that China and the Soviet Union do not constitute security threats to each other is not only beneficial to both countries but also to world stability."

Molotov expressed complete agreement with this. Afterwards, Molotov mentioned another matter. "Recently, British and French newspapers propagated that the Soviet Union has an army of 2 million, which is pure fabrication. The number of the Soviet Red Army now is only 600,000, and the Soviet Red Army is defensive in nature."

He Rui knew this statement was half-true and half-false. If strictly speaking of the standing army, the Soviet Red Army in 1927 might really be only 600,000. But the number of those who could be enlisted at any time might still be 2 million. But this didn't matter to China. As long as Stalin was still in power, with Comrade Stalin's strategic level, the Soviet Union's strategic priority was very clear. Eastern Europe first, Central and Northern Europe second and third. The Caucasus and Central Asia fourth, and the Far East last.

As long as the Far East didn't face real pressure, Comrade Stalin wouldn't send the Soviet Red Army to the Far East to waste resources.

After discussing these security issues, Molotov talked about Sino-Soviet imports and exports for the second quarter of 1927. The Soviet Union was very interested in China's large-scale complete sets of mining equipment and supercritical thermal power plant technology, hoping to deepen cooperation in this regard.

"Comrade Molotov, we are of course willing to cooperate with the Soviet Union in this regard. Including selling patents. And we have an idea: we hope to import a portion of such equipment from the Soviet Union after selling the patents."

Hearing He Rui say this, Molotov became even more interested. His bright eyes stared at He Rui, hoping to hear He Rui speak more clearly.

He Rui didn't intend to be vague and gave a further explanation. China would license patents to the Soviet Union and help the Soviet Union build factories to produce this large-scale equipment. After these factory facilities were built, China would also place orders with these factories to purchase the equipment they produced.

After saying this, He Rui explained, "Since the Tsarist Russia era, Russia has had a lot of research accumulation in heavy industry. Although China is also working hard to build, our foundation is thin and production capacity is insufficient. So we hope to cooperate with the Soviet Union in these heavy industry fields."

Hearing this, Foreign Minister Yan Huiqing beside them was very puzzled. If importing advanced technology, why not cooperate with Europe and America, but instead choose the Soviet Union whose technology was far inferior to Europe and America?

But since He Rui said so, and in such a formal setting, Yan Huiqing could be sure that He Rui was definitely not acting on a whim. And He Rui's decision was the central government's decision. Yan Huiqing didn't interject.

The meeting continued in such a friendly atmosphere. Molotov behaved very friendly, but a question similar to Yan Huiqing's also arose in his heart. Why was He Rui so friendly about cooperating with the Soviet Union? Molotov had no power to refuse or agree; he could only convey He Rui's thoughts to the CPSU Politburo.

Just as the meeting ended, someone brought a telegram. He Rui looked serious after reading it. Yan Huiqing didn't know what made He Rui so serious. But He Rui had no intention of talking to him, so Yan Huiqing prepared to pretend he hadn't seen it.

Then he heard He Rui ask, "Minister Yan, an uprising has broken out in Korea."

Yan Huiqing was stunned, feeling somewhat happy in his heart. But looking at He Rui's expression, he didn't know why He Rui didn't look happy at all.