Setting aside the fact that Britain had effectively lost the war on the global stage, the British Foreign Secretary had achieved rich diplomatic results before leaving China. This was especially true of the Sino-British Joint Declaration.

The Sino-British Joint Declaration outlined the views of China and Britain on Western Pacific security and referenced the *Sino-British-French-Dutch West Pacific Agreement*. In this agreement, all four nations—China, Britain, France, and the Netherlands—agreed that stability in Southeast Asia was of paramount importance and served as the cornerstone of stability in the Pacific region. Therefore, the four powers opposed any changes to the British, French, and Dutch colonies in Southeast Asia.

This agreement was critically important for France and the Netherlands, and it served as a dividend for France's role in coordinating the peace talks. As long as both China and Britain guaranteed the security of French Indochina, France's position in Southeast Asia would be as steady as Mount Tai.

Of course, France had hoped to sign a permanent agreement, but this was met with joint opposition from China and Britain. According to British diplomatic philosophy, any permanent agreement was mere waste paper. In this ever-changing world, the only thing more absurd than the word "permanent" was a "permanent agreement."

The Chinese side's reason for objection was much clearer: "Renewing the treaty every ten years is a rational approach. Ten years from now, through the renewal process, we can once again deepen the friendly relations between our nations."

In the understanding of the French diplomatic team, contradictions between nations would inevitably accumulate over a decade. A decennial renewal would provide a venue to coordinate and resolve these contradictions, allowing everyone to take the opportunity to discuss and address various issues.

In the past, a major reason for the frequent outbreak of wars in Europe was the lack of mechanisms for coordination and communication. As a result, conflicts would erupt suddenly, and various populists would seize the opportunity to incite public opinion, throwing the political situation into chaos. Thus, France ultimately agreed.

As for the Dutch government, their colonies were effectively being managed by the British on their behalf. Seeing that the British government had agreed to the *Sino-British-French-Dutch West Pacific Agreement*, the Netherlands naturally followed Britain's Southeast Asia policy.

With the announcement of the *Sino-British-French-Dutch West Pacific Agreement*, the parties most left with a sour taste in their mouths were undoubtedly Japan and the United States. The United States held the Philippines in Southeast Asia, having seized it from the Spanish. By all logic, an agreement regarding Southeast Asia by China, Britain, France, and the Netherlands should not have excluded the Philippines.

When the U.S. Secretary of State saw this news, he immediately analyzed it. The State Department's diplomatic branch concluded that this must be a trick played by the British.

In fact, this was exactly the case. Britain certainly did not want the United States to penetrate further into Southeast Asia, so it was imperative to block the U.S. from the Western Pacific. The reason this agreement excluded the United States was to divert misfortune elsewhere. If China and the United States were to fight over the Philippines, Britain would be overjoyed.

Of course, the British Foreign Office did not believe He Rui would be so impulsive and childish. As a seasoned meddler with hundreds of years of history, Britain's grasp of provocation had become instinctual; they would never let slip even the slightest opportunity.

The U.S. State Department guessed Britain's intentions and, while gritting their teeth in hatred, had to admit the shrewdness of the British. The war with China had only just ended, yet Britain was already beginning to reconstruct the Asian order. This reaction speed and flexibility compelled a grudging respect from the United States.

The Japanese side also figured out Britain's line of thinking, deepening the despair of Japan's upper echelons. Britain truly treated them as outsiders now. Japan's unwritten national policy over the past few decades had always been to acquire economic benefits through military victory. Now, Japan could not defeat the United States, could not defeat China, and fighting the Soviet Union would yield no benefits. With the signing of the *Sino-British-French-Dutch West Pacific Agreement*, the conflicts in Southeast Asia were temporarily resolved, and Japan, situated in the Pacific, was sealed in tight. They had lost even the desperate option of attacking Southeast Asia.

Although the British government, out of this renewed Anglo-Japanese friendship, signed a £150 million loan agreement with Japan—providing £150 million in interest-free loans over five years, to be repaid over twenty years—British money was not so easily taken. Since they accepted the British loan, the Japanese government had to sign a partial market opening agreement with Britain. While Britain's Southeast Asian colonies would partially open to Japan, the Japanese market also had to open somewhat to Britain. It amounted to Britain extending Japan's life, but also fastening a chain around Japan's neck to ensure it wouldn't immediately defect to China. Britain's status as world hegemon was not unearned; defeat had not plunged Britain into chaos but instead spurred it to action even faster.

Therefore, at the joint press conference held by the British Foreign Secretary and the Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs, Japanese reporters tried desperately to get a chance to ask questions. However, both the Chinese and British sides refused to call on them. Instead, Yan Huiqing gave an opportunity to an American reporter.

The American reporter stood up immediately and spoke rapidly, his words firing like a machine gun. "Minister Yan, I am a reporter for the *New York Times*. The *Sino-British-French-Dutch West Pacific Agreement* focuses heavily on maritime security guarantees. The Chinese government has previously stated clearly that it will not invest resources in a navy. In that case, what kind of security guarantees will the Chinese government provide for this agreement?"

The American reporter's question had been prepared long in advance. Since China had no navy to maintain security in Southeast Asia, the only guarantee the Chinese government could offer was a promise that its army would not attack Britain or France. If Yan Huiqing made such a statement, it would be tantamount to expressing that China had the full capability to militarily threaten Britain and France. This point alone would be enough for the newspapers to generate all sorts of propaganda. Even if it had no practical effect, it could be used to sow discord in the relations between China and the Anglo-French powers.

If Yan Huiqing answered evasively, the *New York Times* reporter was prepared to actively voice this speculation and openly provoke discord.

Given such a stage, the *New York Times* reporter was extremely excited, waiting with bated breath for Yan Huiqing's answer.

Yan Huiqing was a graduate of the University of Virginia, so he answered in English with an American accent. "Britain is one of the fundamental forces for world stability. We believe that in Southeast Asia, the entire Western Pacific, and indeed the Pacific region, Britain should assume its due status."

*Fuck!* The *New York Times* reporter was thoroughly displeased by Yan Huiqing's answer. He hadn't expected Yan Huiqing to flatter Britain so openly. If it were any other country, the reporter might have considered such a possibility. But peace between China and Britain had just been established. Shouldn't China be loudly proclaiming its own power at this time? Was it appropriate to so quickly elevate Britain to the international status it had been struggling to prove it deserved?

But the *New York Times* reporter was a veteran of the media world. Despite his immense surprise, he asked with lightning speed, "Then does China believe Britain has the capability to shoulder such responsibility?"

Yan Huiqing rejoiced inwardly. The Foreign Ministry team's prediction regarding the *New York Times* had been accurate; they had anticipated this question. Yan Huiqing made his expression even more serious and said in a solemn tone, "To facilitate peace, Britain made huge concessions when the Washington Naval Treaty was signed. The Chinese government believes that in a more appropriate allocation of naval tonnage, the United States should reduce its tonnage by one-third, and this one-third share should be given to Britain. Only then will Britain have sufficient strength to realize its responsibility in maintaining world order and peace."

There was silence at the press conference, save for the scratching sound of pens rapidly taking notes. The *New York Times* reporter was truly stunned. Although he had made many preparations and possessed quick wit, he couldn't think of what to do next.

But the *New York Times* reporter forced his brain to continue thinking, and soon, a thought popped up. Although he couldn't be sure if the question was appropriate, time waited for no one. The reporter asked, "Then what is China willing to substantively provide for Britain's status?"

"We believe that the Western Pacific region should provide naval ports for Britain. China is willing to convene a meeting with France, the Netherlands, Japan, and the United States to negotiate the provision of ports. Hawaii in the United States, Tokyo and Kure in Japan, French ports, and China's Hong Kong could all provide berths for the British Navy. This concerns the peace of the Pacific, and we believe it is necessary to convene such a meeting."