Chapter 453: Sino-British Economy and War (13)
Volume 4: Peace and Development · Chapter 143
In the early morning at the end of June, the British Foreign Secretary approached the bathroom and drew the curtains. Today was a rare day of good weather; one could actually see the morning sun. The sunlight stung the Foreign Secretary's eyes, which had been sleepless for almost the entire night. He reached out to rub his eye sockets, his fingers touching puffy flesh. Under the stinging sensation, tears could not help but flow.
Flowing tears did not equate to sadness or grief. After washing his face with cold water, the discomfort in his slightly burning eye sockets began to disappear as the cold water cooled them down. The British Foreign Secretary walked to the lounge, leaned back in a chair, and lit a cigar. Amidst the fragrant scent of the cigar, his mind became sharper. But this clarity only allowed the Foreign Secretary to understand more clearly and acutely that Britain was helpless regarding the upcoming Sino-French compromise.
Even if helpless, one could not simply do nothing. After eating breakfast, the Foreign Secretary traveled by car in light rain to Whitehall. Whitehall was a street in the city of London, England. It connected the Houses of Parliament and Downing Street. Some British government agencies such as the Ministry of Defence, Foreign Office, Home Office, and Admiralty were located on this street and its vicinity. Thus, people used Whitehall as a metonym for the British administrative sector.
After drinking another cup of tea in the office, the French Ambassador arrived at the Foreign Office building by invitation. The matter carried considerable weight, so the Foreign Secretary cut straight to the chase, "I heard that the French government has already hired a professional team of French legal experts in China to file appeals with the special tribunal set up by China regarding the ownership of French assets in China."
The French Ambassador to the UK was not surprised by this question. Since the British Foreign Secretary wanted to confirm this matter, the French Ambassador stated frankly, "There is indeed such a thing." After speaking, the French Ambassador looked at the British Foreign Secretary's eye sockets, which had some dark circles, and asked in a slightly teasing tone: "I heard that quite a few people on the British side have similarly hired legal experts to file appeals, and among them are quite a few of our French scholars."
This was the truth. Among the European legal experts who went to China because of the Asian International Tribunal, France had the largest number, followed by Britain. However, British interests in China were much higher than France's, and the interests confiscated were greater. So much so that British personnel in China had no choice but to hire French legal experts.
Facing a former ally who had burned the Old Summer Palace together with them, the British Foreign Secretary probed, "Has France changed its attitude towards China?"
The French Ambassador answered immediately: "We have always upheld a friendly attitude towards China."
Hearing this, the British Foreign Secretary felt the French Ambassador was at least sincere, or at least not trying to hoodwink him. He could only attempt to ask: "I heard that His Excellency the French Prime Minister intends to visit China in the near future?"
"There is no such thing." The French Ambassador decisively denied the rumor.
This answer allowed the British Foreign Secretary to determine that France was dead set on establishing diplomatic relations with China. After the French Ambassador left, the British Foreign Secretary held a small meeting at the Foreign Office, requiring his subordinates to sound things out again and determine exactly how many European countries were making efforts to establish diplomatic relations with China.
The British Foreign Office was not idle. Department heads for Central and Southern European countries like Austria, Czechoslovakia, Germany, Italy, Serbia, and Romania immediately informed the Foreign Secretary that these countries had no economic disputes with China, and their foreign ministries were preparing to establish diplomatic relations with China.
The person responsible for South American diplomatic missions followed up, stating, "South American countries have already dispatched diplomatic personnel to China, especially after China fiercely criticized the degree of civilization of the United States."
Thinking of China's attacks on the United States, the Foreign Secretary felt slightly better in his heart. But considering that the total number of countries establishing relations with China would likely increase from the current three—the Soviet Union, Switzerland, and Hungary—to around twenty, the British Foreign Secretary felt extremely disappointed.
After the meeting ended, the Foreign Secretary had to seriously consider the issue of how to establish diplomatic relations with China. The thorniest issue right now was not a pile of small and weak nations establishing relations with China, but that Britain could not stop France from preparing to establish relations with China.
The treaties established in Europe were all acknowledgments of a certain reality. The Versailles System acknowledged the interests of Britain and France, the two largest colonial powers. Between Britain and France, France's main gains were colonial interests. Compared to the global system led by Britain, France's gains were much smaller.
Correspondingly, what France had to bear was also less than Britain. With the Sino-British war fought to this point, France's colonies had not been affected in any way. As long as the privileges in China that France lost during China's unification war were resolved, the contradictions between China and France would be defused. The news obtained by the British side was that the French Parliament cared about the investments of French merchants in China. Although there were indeed people among French politicians shouting 'we cannot abandon interests obtained through war', France did not have global order interests, so no one in the French Parliament proposed using warlike means to maintain interests in China seized through war.
Every country has hardliners. If even the hardliners do not oppose making peace, the government will naturally choose a policy of peace with a light burden. France was currently in such a state.
Because the Asian International Tribunal was in operation, France had a large number of legal experts in China. This group was hired by the French government to fight lawsuits with China. Once they completed the definition of French interests in China under China's diplomatic principles, the French government would proceed to establish diplomatic relations with China.
"Your Excellency, the Prime Minister asks you to come to his office." The secretary's voice rang out.
The Foreign Secretary was not displeased by the interruption of his train of thought; instead, because of this interruption, he made a decision: let things be if they cannot be solved. He stood up to go to the Prime Minister's office. Before he even went out the door, the secretary delivered a newspaper. The Foreign Secretary looked at it and continued walking out without saying a word.
Prime Minister Baldwin asked about other countries' views on the Sino-British war. The Foreign Secretary answered decisively: "The various countries have no intention of joining either side; they are all happy to see the current state of the war."
Baldwin was not surprised. If the belligerents were two other great powers, for instance, if the United States and France fought, Britain would also be happy to see this war continue to consume the national power of the United States and France. But the one in the war was Britain. Facing the schadenfreude of other countries, Baldwin naturally gave birth to an egoistic displeasure.
Just at this moment, Baldwin's secretary brought a newspaper. Seeing Prime Minister Baldwin's expression turn angry as he browsed the newspaper, the Foreign Secretary could only sigh in his heart. Prime Minister Baldwin slammed the newspaper on the table and asked: "Did you know about this news?"
"I believe this is a method by China attempting to provoke British public opinion," the Foreign Secretary answered. As for the subsequent judgment, the Foreign Secretary did not say it out loud.
Prime Minister Baldwin looked down again at the news headline on the newspaper: 'China Sincerely Hiring Senior European Hangmen'. Execution methods for the death penalty varied across countries; France used the guillotine, Britain used hanging. China used to use beheading, and later adopted firing squads. The purpose of this recruitment news was self-evident: the recruited hangman was to execute the ANZAC Corps. The emotions of the British public had originally calmed down a bit due to news of the war, but now they would be stimulated again. The war would continue to be fought.
The Foreign Secretary could provide no help for specific combat. Prime Minister Baldwin let the Foreign Secretary go first to handle some recent disputes with the United States in the South American region, and immediately summoned the Secretary of State for War.
The Secretary of State for War could understand the reaction of the British public after being provoked, but he was not displeased by this. He calmly gave Prime Minister Baldwin an answer: "This war cannot be fought."
"Why?" Prime Minister Baldwin was somewhat puzzled.
"Myanmar has begun to enter the rainy season. Our troops cannot possibly fight in heavy rain." The Secretary of State for War answered very crisply.
Hearing this explanation, the Prime Minister actually felt much more relaxed. But he still didn't dare to be too sure, asking in pursuit: "Is it possible for the Chinese army to launch a surprise attack?"
"Your Excellency, I cannot completely rule out this possibility. But analyzing from a military perspective, this choice is highly inadvisable."
Ending the talk, Prime Minister Baldwin sat in his armchair, sorting through the current situation once again. After nearly a year of war, China's stance was already very clear: to force Britain to accept China's diplomatic principles. Although Britain was furious at China's challenge, neither British public opinion nor the reaction of the British upper class had the impulse to perish together with China. It was already time to consider how to end this war.
If they didn't want to accept China's demands, they could only drag it out. But Britain maintained 700,000 troops of various kinds on the front line, consuming a large amount of money every day. This portion of money could completely be used to repay debts, rather than be used on a meaningless war.
Baldwin didn't mind so-called 'face' too much. The war had already been fought to this state; what face was left to talk about? Thinking of this, Baldwin asked his secretary to invite the Foreign Secretary over again. The conversation between the two this time was very frank. The Foreign Secretary emphasized again the possibility of France establishing diplomatic relations with China within the next half-year, and that in the coming months, many countries would establish diplomatic relations with China. After saying these things, the Foreign Secretary suggested: "Your Excellency, it is necessary for us to conduct some exchanges and communication with China."
Baldwin answered immediately: "How does China position itself? They have taken such barbaric actions; do they think they are Italy or Japan?"
The Foreign Secretary nodded, "I understand, Your Excellency."
Ending the meeting with the Foreign Secretary, Prime Minister Baldwin had his office announce in the name of the British government that the Army would launch a large-scale military operation against China.
Miles Lampson was originally supposed to be arranged as Ambassador to China, but fate played tricks on people. Now he could only serve as a 'liaison officer' in China, and had been doing so for two years. Lampson originally thought he would be more of a mouthpiece in China, but he didn't expect that he had actually done quite a few things. Helping prisoners of war, helping British parties whose property had been confiscated coordinate how to maintain their interests through judicial procedures. Through this work, Lampson had accumulated quite a few contacts in China.
Relying on these contacts, after receiving the telegram from the British Foreign Office, Lampson met very smoothly with the Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs, Yan Huiqing. Compared to those young new-generation Chinese diplomats, Yan Huiqing was milder. Of course, only his attitude was mild.
Lampson decided to play a little trick. Upon seeing Yan Huiqing, he immediately kept a straight face and expressed Britain's strong protest, "Your trial of the ANZAC Corps is completely illegal! It does not conform to principles! It is even more unreasonable! Killing soldiers is a massacre!"
Yan Huiqing had sufficient understanding of Lampson. Hearing Lampson speak like this, he immediately felt that Sino-British relations might be about to have a breakthrough. However, some young Chinese diplomats beside Yan Huiqing had already furrowed their brows, extremely impatient with the British side's statement.
After Lampson finished expressing his displeasure in a grand manner, he questioned: "Does China think it is truly recognized by the international community?"
Hearing this, the young Chinese diplomats almost wanted to angrily rebuke Lampson, to let this arrogant Brit opposite them understand that Britain would soon become one of the few countries that did not recognize China. Yan Huiqing did not get excited. He asked calmly: "Mr. Lampson, since no country can remove China from the face of the earth, China will naturally have the international status China ought to have."
Lampson did not answer immediately, looking again at the several Chinese diplomats in front of him. Now the Chinese government's uniforms had been finalized; they had hired an Italian fashion designer. The designed uniforms fused Eastern and Western characteristics, simple and lively, without losing a sense of fashion.
However, the young Chinese diplomats were obviously not mature enough. If he wasn't facing a diplomatic veteran like Yan Huiqing, Lampson felt it would be very difficult for him to conduct effective communication with these Chinese diplomats. Appointing Yan Huiqing as Foreign Minister also proved that the Republican government's understanding of diplomacy was serious.
Carrying a bit of rejoicing, Lampson kept a straight face and asked: "Does the Chinese government hope to obtain the international status of Italy or Japan?"
Yan Huiqing felt a wave of relief in his heart; Britain was making an offer. He Rui had once discussed the outcome of the Sino-British war with the core government members. The price offered by Britain matched the demands raised by He Rui quite well. Yan Huiqing also kept a straight face and answered: "Shouldn't China have the international status of Italy or Japan?"
Hearing this, Lampson felt a similar relief in his heart. But Lampson said nothing, standing up and saying: "Since this is the case, I will take my leave."
The group of young diplomats looked unhappily at Lampson, who left in a leisurely manner. After Lampson left, they looked towards Foreign Minister Yan Huiqing. But they saw a trace of a smile at the corner of Yan Huiqing's mouth. This made the young diplomats feel somewhat astonished.
Before they could ask, Yan Huiqing turned and asked a question to the comrades, "Do you think we can accept the international status of second-tier Great Powers like Italy and Japan?"
A young comrade answered immediately: "Our China is a world-class Great Power; why should we accept such a positioning?"
Yan Huiqing did not answer this question. The young comrades' view was not wrong; China was indeed a Great Power, and a thriving Great Power at that. But in reality, Britain could not accept such conditions. Moreover, the young comrades' experience was indeed insufficient, so they underestimated China, and also underestimated Britain.
The so-called first-class Great Power did not refer to how one viewed oneself. If Britain admitted that China was a first-class Great Power like the United States, Britain would have to admit that China possessed warship tonnage equal to Britain in naval ratios. The current China did not have such shipbuilding capacity, nor such strategic ambition. Insisting on striving for the title of a first-class Great Power would instead encounter completely unnecessary fear and loss.
Second-tier Great Powers belonged to regional powers internationally. This positioning happened to fit China's current strength exactly.