Using the attack on Lieutenant General Nagata Tetsuzan, the "Jewel of the Army," as a pretext, Tokyo immediately tightened security. The heads of major Tokyo newspapers were summoned to the Special Higher Police (Tokko) headquarters. The Special Higher Police Division, affiliated with the Home Ministry, was primarily responsible for handling domestic security incidents.

Starting in 1920, Japan had gradually established Tokko branches in its concessions across China. These branches functioned essentially as espionage agencies. The first was established in the Kwantung Leased Territory, but when China reclaimed the territory, the local Tokko was completely wiped out.

Wherever He Rui's army pointed its spear, the Japanese military was defeated, and concessions were reclaimed. Any member of the Japanese Tokko in China who failed to flee was captured. The current Tokko had once again become a powerful department solely focused on domestic Japanese affairs.

As a powerful department, high walls topped with barbed wire were standard configuration. The sunlight seemed to avoid this place; walking into the courtyard felt gloomy and cold. Moreover, the Tokko had its own prisons and interrogation rooms. The newspaper heads could faintly hear the screams of prisoners being tortured, which made them feel even more uneasy.

They entered the Section Chief's office, which at least looked like a proper office. It had a desk, filing cabinets, and chairs. Calligraphy reading "Loyalty and Patriotism" hung on the wall, and no torture devices were visible.

The Section Chief was a man in his thirties with a gloomy and cold expression that matched the reputation of the Tokko perfectly. He did not give these newspaper heads a warm welcome. He spoke directly, "From today onwards, all important content in newspapers must undergo Tokko censorship! Content that has not passed censorship cannot be published."

The newspaper heads were stunned. Although the attack on Nagata Tetsuzan was shocking, it shouldn't have involved the newspapers. Every newspaper had been generous in their praise when mentioning Nagata. A few months ago, they had even hyped him up when he became the Deputy Commander of the Anglo-Japanese Allied Forces.

The Tokko Section Chief gave them no opportunity to think or bargain. He had his subordinates distribute a document to each of them. After reading it, although the newspaper heads frowned, they already knew the answer in their hearts.

Any content regarding "News, Politics, Current Affairs, Economics," and the like had to be censored by the Tokko first. These were precisely the categories that were currently the most controversial and generated the most response in Japanese society. To be more direct, every newspaper head knew that publishing the *Outline of the Great Japanese Empire Domestic Market Construction Plan*—a political-economic issue—was destined to trigger intense debate in Japanese society and lead to even more intense consequences.

The newspaper heads were tactful. Since the Japanese upper echelons had started to act, they simply accepted this fact. When the Tokko Section Chief demanded that newspapers also submit "suspiciously positioned" submissions, the heads immediately expressed their obedience.

Finally allowed to leave, the newspaper heads walked out of the Tokko gate without exchanging a word, each going their own way. Since they were being watched, any communication would have to rely on private, secret channels.

There were members of the Future Society within the Tokko as well, and intelligence was quickly transmitted to the core layer of the Future Society. Using the assassination attempt on Nagata Tetsuzan as an excuse, the Japanese government first imposed supervision on newspapers. At the same time, they sent personnel to begin investigations into universities in Tokyo, Osaka, and other places.

Aizawa Saburo and others wanted to know specifically which students were being targeted, but the comrade who delivered the message said helplessly, "The comrades within the Tokko are too low-ranking to access specific lists. Please wait a while."

The Future Society was somewhat wary of the Tokko. Like the Future Society, the Tokko conducted political background checks and various tests for personnel selection. The Future Society knew well that such a selection process would identify people with strong convictions. The Tokko, using similar methods, would select personnel loyal to the Japanese high command. Moreover, Tokko members generally came from good backgrounds, naturally possessing a centripetal force toward the Japanese leadership.

The comrades inside the Tokko had joined the Future Society first and then became Tokko candidates due to unexpected factors. Even so, this Future Society comrade had no intention of joining the Tokko. But plans change; the Tokko urgently expanded its recruitment, lowering the censorship threshold to fill the ranks. That comrade had joined the Tokko unexpectedly. Expecting such a newcomer to obtain intelligence known only to the Tokko high command was asking too much.

"Who will be targeted next?" This was the matter the Future Society leadership was most concerned about.

Mitsui Yasuki stood by the window on the second floor, looking through the gap in the curtains at several suspicious figures downstairs. After learning that the high command was cracking down on newspapers and schools, Mitsui guessed that the "Zaibatsu" would be next. The newspapers and academia sought a new path for Japan out of idealism; the Zaibatsu sought a new path for a simpler reason: money.

As a Zaibatsu hedging his bets, Mitsui Yasuki had aided He Rui while simultaneously supporting Nagata and Ishiwara. Otherwise, relying mainly on the poor members of the Future Society, it would have been impossible to have enough funds to develop the organization.

Leaving the second floor, Mitsui Yasuki returned to his office and picked up the Japanese Domestic Construction Plan sent back by Professor Taira Toyomori through secret channels. Professor Taira had not spent all his time on the Asian International Tribunal after going to China; this domestic construction plan fascinated Mitsui.

The Mitsui family was indeed a major Japanese landowner. The Japanese domestic market construction was divided into two aspects: the rural market and the urban market. Professor Taira, having served as the Minister of Finance for a long time, had access to vast amounts of Japanese economic data. In this construction plan, Professor Taira wrote a proposal based on the development process of China's urban and rural economic construction, contrasted with the current status of Japan's rural and urban economies.

As a Zaibatsu leader, Mitsui Yasuki was one of the few people in Japan with great insight. After reading Professor Taira's plan, Mitsui felt only heartfelt admiration.

Japan's administrative divisions were established following the abolition of the han system and establishment of prefectures by the Meiji government in 1871. Generally, they were divided into two levels: To, Do, Fu, Ken (prefectural level) and Shi, Cho, Son, Special Wards (municipal level).

Using his rich data, Professor Taira calculated the land and population of each prefecture, roughly estimating the income that could be generated in rural areas across Japan once land reform was implemented. Although agricultural taxes would decrease, the consumption power of these rural areas would increase. This would not only foster the development of a small commodity economy but also allow banks to gain revenue through specialized capital loans.

In urban areas, Professor Taira examined China's economic zone planning methods, rationally planning Japan's transportation, special products, and ports to build the Tokyo Economic Circle and the Osaka Economic Circle. He also carried out transportation planning tailored to the needs of different economic circles.

While praising the plan, Mitsui Yasuki also clearly saw that the prerequisite for these plans was the restoration of Sino-Japanese trade. In other words, if Japan remained under its current political system, all these plans were merely illusions.

Thinking of the monitors downstairs, a wave of malice rose in Mitsui's heart. He Rui never hid his communist beliefs, and the Constitution of the Republic of China stipulated that the Republic of China was a socialist country. According to international views, socialist countries were not friendly to capitalists, yet the ROC government had not been seen restricting domestic capitalists like thieves. This crackdown in Japan was not just treating brothers as outsiders, but treating the Zaibatsu as enemies.

Although Mitsui Yasuki was angry due to the sense of danger, he was also somewhat bewildered. If even a socialist country didn't treat Zaibatsu so coldly, what exactly was the Japanese upper echelon thinking regarding Japan's future? With Japan at a dead end, what did the Japanese leadership plan to do?

Nagata already had a rough plan for the future, so when he walked into the tea party organized by Saionji and saw the Navy Minister and the Foreign Minister, he showed no unease and simply greeted them. Conversely, the Navy Minister and the Foreign Minister greeted Lieutenant General Nagata very politely.

At this moment, everyone in the upper echelons felt the dark clouds gathering over Japan. The Foreign Minister frankly expressed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' view to Saionji: "The British have likely started contact with China. The war might end within a year."

The Navy Minister looked somewhat gloomy. The analysis within the Navy Ministry had reached a similar conclusion, but the basis for this conclusion differed slightly from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Seeing Saionji's inquiring gaze, the Navy Minister replied, "Lord Saionji, as far as we know, the British shipbuilding plans have all been extended."

Seeing that Saionji didn't quite understand, the Navy Minister explained. Taking the construction of the *Queen Elizabeth*-class battleships during the Great War in Europe as an example, this class of battleships used the most advanced technology of the time, and five were started at once. To the layman, the construction time for these warships would seem long, but in reality, these five state-of-the-art battleships took less than three years from keel laying to completion.

This was because when orders were plentiful, shipyards received ample funds. They could spend extra money to add equipment and hire new workers. When shipyards lacked sufficient funds, they could only reduce the workforce. What was more fatal was that shipyards needed experienced technical personnel. To avoid firing those experienced technicians, they had to reduce wages and extend the construction period to ensure these skilled workers were retained until the next batch of warship orders arrived.

Saionji understood these specific details and asked, "How long was the extension?"

"Three years," the Navy Minister replied.

"Why three years, instead of one or two?" Saionji was a bit puzzled again.

"The British shipyards likely prepared for the worst, believing the war would end in two years. Moreover, even if the Sino-British war ends, the British government will need a year to adjust its budget allocations due to the massive funds consumed. That is why it is extended by three years."

Seeing that Saionji seemed to understand the key points, Nagata asked, "Your Excellency, with the extension, what is the construction cycle for a British treaty ship?"

"Treaty ship" referred to ship types whose parameters were defined by the Washington Naval Treaty, which all signatory nations had to abide by. Facing Nagata's question, the Navy Minister replied, "At this stage, the construction cycle for a treaty battleship has reached seven years."

Nagata just nodded but didn't speak. The *Queen Elizabeth*-class battleships were completed within three years; the difference between the two was enough to explain too much.

Since both ministers had shared their views, it was Nagata's turn. Nagata got straight to the point. "The national policy that the Empire has consistently followed for the past few decades is to use war to acquire raw material bases and sales markets for the Empire. Because of repeated victories, the national policy was executed very smoothly. Now, the Empire is powerless to win the war, and all national policies are encountering unprecedented challenges."

These words focused everyone's attention on Nagata. Nagata continued, "Currently, the Empire's homeland remains safe and is unlikely to be attacked by China. However, once the Empire changes its national policy to build a domestic market, military expenditures must be reduced. The Empire's naval advantage will be continuously weakened. This will greatly reduce the Empire's ability to balance China."

The Navy Minister's eyes were cold, but he said nothing. However, his expression proved how resistant the Navy was to such a future.

Nagata continued, "Once the national policy is changed, the national polity (Kokutai) must be changed. In the past decades, the Empire has risen due to victory in war; how can the national polity be easily changed? The plan for domestic construction indeed has its merits, but the cost would be comprehensive internal conflict within the Empire, giving China more opportunities. If the Empire falls into civil war, it might even give the United States an opportunity. This is my humble opinion."

After finishing, Nagata picked up his teacup and sipped slowly. The Foreign Minister, the Navy Minister, and Saionji Kinmochi all remained silent. Nagata had spoken to this extent; for the Japanese upper echelons, there was nothing more to say. Just as Nagata described, Japan's national polity could not be easily changed. Even the slightest change would encounter backlash—backlash from the Japanese upper echelons. As members of the upper echelons, everyone present knew how intense that backlash would be.