There is a small hill called Chiltern southeast of Aylesbury, Buckinghamshire, England. At the foot of the hill stands a historic building. This building has been built since the 16th century, but the exact year is not accurately recorded. The name of this building is Chequers.

On April 2, the current owner of Chequers, British Prime Minister Baldwin, was standing with his hands behind his back in the small garden in front of this Gothic building, looking at the lush flowers and plants. Since March 28, Prime Minister Baldwin had been vacationing in this manor 41 miles from Downing Street.

After four days of rest, his depressed mood had calmed down a lot. Prime Minister Baldwin even had the leisure to look at the budding flower buds, enjoying the breeze and quietness.

However, when he looked up to gaze at the sky, Prime Minister Baldwin saw a car speeding towards him on the country road in the distance. Instantly, the Prime Minister's mood became terrible again.

Sitting in the car was the British Foreign Secretary. Unlike the Prime Minister who had begun to tire of politics, the Foreign Secretary was in a good mood. Compared with the terrible situation before, the diplomatic pressure was much less. So when going to the Prime Minister's private manor Chequers, the Foreign Secretary also wanted to hand over this matter quickly, and then temporarily withdraw from the damn Sino-British war to solve other diplomatic problems.

When the manor appeared in sight, the Foreign Secretary thought of the most famous room in Chequers. Who the original builder of Chequers was, like the construction time, has no precise information. Moreover, this manor changed hands several times. In 1917, Sir Arthur Lee donated this ancient manor to the British government. Since 1921, it has served as the official country estate of Britain and the private villa of the Prime Minister.

Chequers truly won its place in British history after it became the prison of Lady Mary Grey, the great-granddaughter of Henry VIII. Upon learning that Mary Grey married without family permission, Queen Elizabeth I personally ordered her imprisonment there. The room where Mary Grey was imprisoned has been kept as it was.

The current Prime Minister Baldwin was imprisoned by the Sino-British war like Mary Grey. As the Foreign Secretary of the Baldwin government, he hoped to solve this matter at least within his term, rather than leaving a bad name for accomplishing nothing.

The car stopped at the gate of Chequers. The Foreign Secretary took a document to Prime Minister Baldwin. He thought the Prime Minister would return to the manor, but unexpectedly, the Prime Minister pulled a simple chair and sat outside to read the document.

Regarding Prime Minister Baldwin's response to this war, the internal evaluation of the Foreign Office was 'okay.' At least, after He Rui made the statement of 'annihilating the British bandits in Burma and restoring the traditional kingdoms in Indian history' at the press conference, Prime Minister Baldwin immediately accepted the suggestion of the British Foreign Office and made a tit-for-tat response: 'Britain will definitely destroy the He Rui government and choose a reliable new government for the Chinese people.'

In the rich diplomatic experience of the British Foreign Office, if He Rui just simply talked tough, or the Republic National Defense Force simply retreated, it wouldn't show anything. After talking big and then retreating troops, diplomatically, this was an 'explicit hint' seeking détente and negotiation.

At least that group of diplomatic masters would use this method to 'communicate.' If the other party did not make a corresponding response but used the retreat of one side to press step by step, it would be regarded as having no intention of compromise, and the war would continue. If the other party did nothing, it would be considered not wanting to accept détente and not wanting to negotiate, and the other party would continue to adopt means to force the war towards negotiation.

The Foreign Secretary could not make decisions for Prime Minister Baldwin, but seeing that Prime Minister Baldwin did not seek the House of Commons to pass larger-scale military expenditures, the Foreign Secretary knew that Prime Minister Baldwin no longer wanted to fight. Since the Prime Minister had a tendency to make peace, and the Foreign Office also believed that this war was indeed meaningless, the Foreign Office naturally completed its work of promoting peace.

Prime Minister Baldwin didn't think about how the Foreign Office viewed him. After reading the information of several people on the document, Prime Minister Baldwin relatively approved of Jackson Martini on the first page.

Jackson Martini, Morrison's classmate, currently Professor of Surgery at the University of Edinburgh Medical School. His father was a British official, and his mother came from a noble family. Professor Jackson came from a reliable background and a wealthy family. The qualities required for the medical profession, as well as the evaluation obtained from archives and investigations, all indicated that this person was very steady and knew that some things should not be said indiscriminately.

Of course, the British side would not bet all chips on a private visit. Jackson Martini was just one of many auxiliary personnel. What was truly important was the meeting of official personnel between China and Britain in the future. The British Foreign Secretary knew very well that at this time, neither Britain nor China could, nor should, communicate through official channels. Any communication at present meant showing weakness, meaning occupying an inferior position in future negotiations. Since they couldn't fight anymore, they had to prepare for negotiations.

Prime Minister Baldwin asked the Foreign Secretary, "Has He Rui sent anyone?"

"Not for the time being," the Foreign Secretary replied.

This answer disappointed Prime Minister Baldwin, but these diplomatic contents were trivial matters compared to the British Empire. Prime Minister Baldwin firmly believed that Britain's work for a long time in the future lay in developing the economy and repaying the debts incurred during the European War. If it weren't for the shameless attack by the He Rui government, Prime Minister Baldwin should have fully implemented the program he proposed in the election campaign.

But the war must end. Baldwin handed the document to the Foreign Secretary, "Go do it."

After receiving the order to leave, the Foreign Secretary just bowed slightly and walked towards the car. When sitting in the car, the Foreign Secretary looked at Prime Minister Baldwin sitting by the small garden of the manor, seeing his solemn and thin body looking like a withered old tree. Withdrawing his gaze, the Foreign Secretary didn't want to stay any longer and ordered the driver to return to Downing Street as soon as possible.

At 7:00 AM on April 4, all students of the University of Edinburgh Medical School sat in the classroom. The school had long known that young students originally planned to skip class on a large scale and go to places with radios to listen to the BBC broadcast program. The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) set up a special radio communication system this time to broadcast live news from Shanghai, half a world away, to Britain immediately.

The University of Edinburgh is the highest institution of learning in Scotland. When alumnus Morrison became the Minister of Commerce of the He Rui government, the University of Edinburgh's interest in China increased a lot. Especially after the outbreak of the Sino-British War, the University of Edinburgh had become the center of China studies in Scotland.

On April 4, the prosecution team of the Asian International Tribunal decided whether to prosecute the ANZAC Corps. The students of the University of Edinburgh would rather skip class to hear the news immediately. Not only students but teachers were equally concerned. The school simply notified teachers and students that the radio in the classroom would be turned on simultaneously to broadcast BBC news.

Sure enough, as expected by the school board, students who originally submitted leave requests all appeared in the classroom. All teachers and students sat in their seats, with no one absent or skipping class.

With a burst of short and powerful music, the voice of the BBC announcer came from the radio, "Ladies and gentlemen, welcome to listen to the BBC program. It is now 7:00 AM British time, and 15:00 PM China time. Our reporter is interviewing at the Asian International Tribunal. Starting from 9:00 AM China time on April 2, the prosecution team began to present the investigation results to the Hearing Committee of the International Tribunal and decide whether to file a lawsuit. Now, all presentations have ended. A total of 504 members of the prosecution team and the Hearing Committee are voting, and the results will be obtained soon."

Hearing this news, students at the University of Edinburgh began to discuss in low voices. This matter had been publicized for so long. Even though the reports in British newspapers were very conservative and implicit, the reports in other European newspapers were enthusiastic. The 60,000 ANZAC troops massacred more than 40,000 local Burmese, almost one life per person. Even British newspapers could only 'question the specific numbers' of this fact, but never denied whether a massacre occurred.

Although university students supported Britain in their hearts, they did not think that the ANZAC Corps 'killed well, killed wonderfully, should sing praises for the ANZAC Corps massacre, reward everyone with medals, and erect monuments.' Influenced by British media propaganda, university students believed that Britain had judicial jurisdiction over the ANZAC Corps, and this army should be sent to Britain to be tried by British courts, rather than by the 'Asian International Tribunal.'

But with the situation as it was, university students could only wait for the result. After all, the process of the Asian International Tribunal also conformed to judicial principles. Some university students hoped in their hearts that the prosecution team and Hearing Committee dominated by Europeans would decide not to prosecute this case. Students with this idea told their expectations to the classmates around them. The classmates who heard this just sighed softly. In fact, everyone knew that saying this was the same as not saying it. Anyone with a little sense of justice knew that not prosecuting was impossible and unreasonable.

Professor Jackson Martini and other teachers sat in the small conference room listening to the radio. Adults' moods were more complicated. Everyone considered good and evil less, and more felt unhappy about the humiliation Britain suffered. In the past nearly 100 years, Britain had implemented countless massacres globally. Every massacre was not tried, so that although British locals also felt massacre was wrong, it was just that. Those in Britain who publicly declared opposition to massacres would be regarded as disloyal to the country and persecuted.

Now, the situation has changed greatly, and Britain has to pay the price for the massacre. This price is not just simple blood revenge, but being liquidated in the name of civilization and justice after international trial. This makes British people have to think of a possibility: since the current massacre is liquidated, will previous massacres be liquidated?

Just then, the announcer's voice, which was introducing the composition of the prosecution team and the Hearing Committee members, changed. He interrupted the introduction and said loudly, "Ladies and gentlemen, the voting results are out! 502 votes in favor, 2 abstentions. The prosecution has been passed!"

Sighs echoed in the classroom and corridor. The situation that university students did not expect to see appeared. Suddenly, a fierce shout came from the corridor, "This vote must have been rigged!" That voice was 40% anger, and the other 60% was basically despair.